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frontpage Address to the National Assembly by the Société des amis des noirs February 1790

frontpage société des amis des noirs March 1791

Jacques-Pierre Brissot

La Società degli amici dei Neri (Société des amis des Noirs or Amis des noirs) era un gruppo di uomini e donne francesi abolizionisti (contrari alla schiavitù dei Neri e alla Tratta degli schiavi). La Società fu creata a Parigi nel 1789, rimase attiva fino al 1793. Fu fondata da Jacques-Pierre Brissot e Étienne Clavière, dietro consiglio di Thomas Clarkson, che era a capo del movimento abolizionista nel Regno di Gran Bretagna. Era basata su un sistema di elezioni trimestrali, diversi presidenti si sono succeduti, alcuni per più di un mandato seppur mai consecutivo: oltre a Brissot e Clavière figurano Condorcet e Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve. All'inizio del 1789, la Società contava 141 membri.</ref> ·

Durante i cinque anni della sua esistenza, pubblicò libri e saggi contro la schiavità e inviava le proprie proteste sul piano strettamente politico all'Assemblea Nazionale di Francia. Nonostante i loro sforzi comunque, ogni reale e pratica mitigazione legislativa contro la piaga della schiavitù venne emanata solo in seguito alla scomparsa della Società nel 1793. Nel Febbraio 1794, l'Assemblea Nazionale emanò il decreto di Emancipazione Universale, che liberò a tutti gli effetti ogni schiavitù coloniale.

Diversi articoli e [[|monografia|monografie]] hanno esplorato la questione di quanto la Società abbia influito nel portare all'abolizione della schiavitù, e le opinioni che emergono passano da un estremo al suo opposto: da coloro che identificano gli Amici dei Neri come uno strumento della liberazione, a coloro che la considerano niente di più di una "société de pensée".

History

L' economia della francia era dipendente dai ricavi dalle colonie, dove la schiavitù esisteva nelle piantagioni e prosperava a causa delle speculazioni nella tratta atlantica. Figures indicate that slave-trade activity during the years leading up to the French Revolution resulted in some profit percentages exceeding 100 percent. In 1784, for example, the outfitter Chaurands realized a profit of 110 percent through the use of a single ship, the Brune. In 1789, one outfitter reached 120 per cent.

The initial formation of La Société des Amis des Noirs was undertaken by Jacques-Pierre Brissot, in February 1788. A follower of the Philosophes, Brissot's anti-slavery efforts were also due to his exposure to humanitarian activities on both sides of the Atlantic. In the United States, where he visited Philadelphia's constitutional convention, he became absorbed with Jefferson's humanitarian nature. In England, Thomas Clarkson invited Brissot to attend a meeting of the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade. So enthused was Brissot that shortly thereafter he would create his own abolitionist society in Paris. Its objectives would be to suppress the slave trade and, at a later date, to attain equal rights for free men of color.

The Amis advocated freedom in the French colonies, arguing that the ideas of the Revolution should extend to the colonies. The French concept of liberté, égalité, fraternité did not include the liberation of slaves, because the National Assembly argued that the abolition would be detrimental to the economy. The Amis des Noirs had, as was made clear by Marquis de Condorcet's program, the abolition of slavery as its immediate goal – and campaigned for it despite calls Clarkson's call for reducing their demands to activism against the slave trade only.

Activities

Abolitionist literature

The Society's founder, Brissot, decided at the outset that the method of spreading the society's message would be through literature, and this he did in profusion. The Society emitted not only French translation of the English literature, but also works written by Brissot ("Mémoire sur les Noirs de l'Amerique septentrionale"), and other members of the Amis des Noirs, such as Clavière ("De la France et des Etats-Unis" – co-written with Brissot) and Condorcet ("Réflexions sur l'esclavage des negres"). Addresses were delivered to other societies as well, such as the Amis de l'humanité, and the Société des Amis de la Constitution. It was a reflection of not only the "Philosophe upbringing" of the Society members, but also of their efforts to be active participants in the moulding of the revolutionary government.

La Société des Amis des Noirs was most active dispersing its anti-slavery literature in and around Paris, due to the lack of a stable and reliable communications network. The Society, nevertheless, did make attempts to convey its message to those living outside Paris. Quinney reveals one instance, during 1791, when the organization had garnered assistance from its Jacobin friends: "The Friends of the Blacks had several meetings with their friends in Jacobin clubs in provincial cities and sent to every city government a lengthy pamphlet exposing the injustices done to people of colour."

Political activities

"Mortals are equal, it is not birth, but virtue alone that makes the difference".

The political activities of the Friends of the Blacks also included addresses to the National Assembly. Addresses promoting the abolition of the slave trade were made in February and April 1790. Four months later, a discourse was presented concerning the violence in Saint Domingue. In July 1791, Clavière addressed the National Assembly's commercial interests, discussing trade relations between France and its colonies.

The Society also addressed government individuals such as Barnave, who was a member of the Committee on Colonies, and Jacques Necker, France's Controller-General Of Finance. Although Necker was a believer in the in-humaneness of slavery, he could not sanction emancipation unless the practice of slavery and the slave trade were halted simultaneously in every country. In this manner, the existing economic balance between nations would be maintained. Nevertheless, in a letter written in 1789 the Society urged Necker to form a committee similar to the one in England and expressed hopes that the conduct of the English parliament might have a positive effect on the Estates-General. Other Society addresses extended to denunciations of colonial individuals. One such incident occurred in 1791, when the Amis des Noirs responded to criticisms written by pro-slaver Arthur Dillon, Député de la Martinique, and owner of a large plantation.

In 1789, the royal government had requested petitions of grievances from all parts of the country. During the election of representatives to the Estates-General, Condorcet asked that there be inserted into the cahiers de doléances a demand for the abolition of the slave trade. Out of the six hundred cahiers assembled, less than fifty called for an end to the slave trade and slavery.

In the fall of 1789, Society member Abbé Gregoire's recommendation that two deputies chosen from the population of free coloured men be admitted was accepted by the Committee on Verification of Credentials in the National Assembly. He was unable to present the recommendation to the National Assembly because every time he rose to speak, he was shouted down by the colonists in the Assembly. In March 1790, Gregoire questioned the article on voting rights in the National Assembly, wishing to ensure that men of colour also received the right to vote. The colonial deputies persuaded the National Assembly to close discussion of the matter. During that same month Barnave, a pro-slavery advocate, delivered his report on maintaining the slave trade. When Mirabeau, another member of the Society, advanced to the rostrum to protest, he was drowned out by the cries of the opposition.

Focusing on the rights of free men of colour, Gregoire and Pétion (another member of the Society) essentially told the Assembly on 15 May 1791 that if these people were not given their rights, then violence would ensue. Because of the increasing conflict in the colonies, as well as the growing influence of free men of colour with some deputies, Barnave felt that the members of the Society could not be ignored: "We can't win against the influence of the Friends of the Blacks." The result was the 15 May decree that all men of colour would be granted equal rights if they were born of free parents. Further legislation passed on 4 April 1792 (with influence from La Société des Amis des Noirs), stating that every free man of colour now enjoyed equal rights.

Opposition from pro-slavery groups

The Committee on Colonies

The Committee on Colonies was formed in March 1790 to deal with escalating problems arising from slavery unrest in the colonies. Its resolution of the problem leaned heavily in favour of the colonists, and its membership was permeated by those who bore little sympathy for the plight of the slave. The members of the committee included colonial landowners, slave owners, lawyers and merchants, and all were advocates of French commercial interests. Not surprisingly, the final report of the Committee did not alleviate any of the problems relating to slavery. In fact, it stressed the point that it did not wish to interfere in the commercial interests of the colonies: "The National Assembly declares that it had not intended to innovate in any branch of commerce direct or indirect of France with its colonies..."

A group of National Assembly deputies who were either colonists or slave trade merchants actively campaigned the French chambers of commerce and city governments to maintain the slave trade and slavery, proclaiming that economic disaster would result from its abolition. The deputies argued their point so effectively that even La Société des Amis des Noirs feared abolition would cause chaos. One such pro-slavery group was composed of the lobbyists for the French chambers of commerce, who designated themselves as the "Deputies Extraordinary of Manufactures and Commerce." Their main efforts focused on influencing the Committee on Agriculture and Commerce to maintain slavery and the slave trade. Since revenue from the colonies was collected mainly from the sale of slaves and crops, the Committee was investigating the economic ramifications should this source of income cease to exist. The lobbyists were evidently successful in their efforts, for Quinney claims that Barnave's non-committal report to the National Assembly was a result of his knowledge that the Committee on Agriculture and Commerce "had already decided to advise the National Assembly to retain the trade and slavery."

The Massiac Club

A pro-slavery organization called the Massiac Club, headquartered in Paris, was composed of colonial planters living in Paris and throughout France. The club had its main headquarters in Paris, with chapters located in the provinces. Realizing that success related to political influence, the club proceeded to systematically contact government officials.

The Massiac members did not wish to risk the possibility of any type of abolition legislation being passed, and communicated with every colonial deputy to ensure that pro-slavery interests were maintained. Mirabeau stated that when he attempted to sway the deputies in favour of abolition, every official he spoke to had already been approached by a member of the Massiac club. Like the Amis des Noirs, the Massiac group published and distributed literature, responding in toto to practically every idea the Amis des Noirs had put forward.

As well, the Massiac Club delivered accusations in a leaflet distributed to the members of the Comité de Commerce de l'Assemblée Nationale that the Amis des Noirs were involved in subversive activity.

To discredit the Amis des Noirs, the Massiac Club published a handbill that said the abolitionists were not truly humanitarian philanthropists, but rather an organization attempting to subvert social order. They claimed the Amis des Noirs should be viewed as counter-revolutionaries, and pro-British. The pro-slavers also distributed leaflets denouncing individual members of the Société: Brissot, Grégoire and Pétion. They supported the slave trade in debates held in district assemblies within Paris, and attempted to influence voting in these districts when the question of the slave trade was introduced.

Criticisms

Organisational failings

Researchers conclude that the Society was virtually impotent due to its organization, strategy, and membership criteria. In terms of organization, Quinney refers to the group's ineffective operations, stating that the government, which contained pro-slavery elements, had a nation-wide propaganda network, while the Society was mainly Paris-based. Resnick concurs when he states: "Both leadership and membership at large were drawn heavily from the Paris area, with no established network of regional filiations."

Additional evidence of this deficiency was seen in the irregular holding of meetings, without full membership present. Even in 1789, Thomas Clarkson commented upon the poor attendance the meetings were receiving. The lack of organization and continuity among the Society's activities is further evidenced by the fact that Brissot, though inaugurating the Society's first meeting in February 1789, was to depart for America four months later, to meet that country's leading abolitionists. He was not active within the Society until the spring of 1790, when he again became the Society's president. Brissot was able to become eligible upon his return from America, due to a regulation of the Society that the organization must have rotating presidents every three months, a condition that would hinder the continuity of effort within the organization. Another structural hindrance was a regulation that an inner "General Assembly" would be elected within the Society. This body would not only represent the Society and make the rules, but would also hold exclusive voting rights in the election of the officials. Hence, from the organization's inception, any rank and file membership would be excluded from participating in the Society's operations.

Elitist membership policies

Examination of the membership list of the Society reveals that there are an overwhelming number of privileged names. Although possessing great influence, the effectiveness of these people would be muted and Paris-based, partially due to a lack of popular participation. The founding members of the Society included such notables as Brissot, Condorcet, Saint-Lambert, Lafayette, La Rochefoucauld, and Clavière. The Society began with a handful of abolitionists, increased to ninety-five by 1789, and would swell to a maximum of 141 associates in later years. An analysis of membership lists published seventy-five years ago shows that out of the 141 members, twenty-five percent were government employees, twenty-nine percent were nobility, and thirty-eight were professionals, thus bringing the cumulative sum of the elitist membership to ninety-two percent of the total. Cohen has observed this fact as well, stating: "It [the Society]... concentrated on having important, well-connected members, rather than large members...The members [were] drawn from the French social elite..."

The small member base of the agency was elitist-oriented, but another reason for the lack of a "grass-roots" following was the organization's insistence on having dues payable, and four reference signatures, to become a member. Moreover, there were different fee scales: two Louis per year for those who lived in Paris, and 24 livres per year for those living in the provinces. Undoubtedly, the membership practices of La Société des Amis des Noirs both hampered its attempt at increasing in size, and affected its ability to become a credible and effective entity. These prerequisites to membership, along with a weak structural foundation and somewhat ill-prepared organization, compromised La Société des Amis des Noirs' contribution to the fight against slavery.

Relationship to English abolitionists

Perroud states that Brissot's trip to London in November 1787 prompted him to form an identical chapter in France. The English society had only been formed a few months earlier, in May 1787. Just how much influence London really had is revealed in a discussion amongst a group of abolitionist friends in Paris. It states how the London society encouraged others to join its cause, as well as mentioning that France and England had a commonality with respect to abolishing slavery.

Adherence to the English abolitionist movement also included the translation and publication of English anti-slavery literature. This is evidenced in a letter written by Brissot, shortly after the creation of the Society, to Quaker James Philips, an original member of the English abolitionist society. In it he states that the Amis des Noirs would translate and publish English anti-slavery works for distribution to the French public. The intention of using English publications surfaced even before the formation of the Amis des Noirs.

Many French citizens believed that the Society was an offshoot of the English abolitionist society, to the point of being paid by its English counterpart. This resulted in a loss of credibility in the eyes of the French populace. Britain and France had been antagonistic towards each other for many years, in terms of colonial acquisitions and economic superiority. Therefore, any influences from England were seen as "dealing with the enemy." This view extended to encompass the activities of the Society. The perception that it was a vehicle for English infiltration into French matters overshadowed its real intentions.

Outcome

The Society was rendered inactive by the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution, begun as a slave rebellion, as well as by the major crisis of the First French Republic (with the start of the French Revolutionary Wars). It remained active until 1793, publishing its calls in papers such as Patriote français, L'Analyse des papiers anglais, Le Courrier de Provence, and La chronique de Paris.

On 4 February 1794 (16 Pluviôse an II), approximately a year after the demise of the Amis des Noirs, the National Convention passed the Emancipation Declaration:

La Convention Nationale déclare que l'Esclavage des Negres dans toutes les Colonies est aboli: en conséquence elle décrete que tous les hommes, sans distinction de couleur, domiciliés dans les colonies, sont Citoyens Français, et jouiront de tous les droits assurés par la Constitution. Elle renvoie au comité de salut public, pour lui faire incessamment un rapport sur les mesures a prendre pour assurer l'exécution du présent décret.

Notable members

• Joseph Bologne, Chevalier de Saint-Georges
• Jacques Pierre Brissot
• Jean-Louis Carra
• Étienne Clavière
• Étienne Charles de Loménie de Brienne
• Marquis de Condorcet
• Olympe de Gouges
• Henri Grégoire
• Samuel de Missy
• Marquis de La Fayette
• Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau
• Maximilien Robespierre
• Dominique de La Rochefoucauld
• J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur
• Léger-Félicité Sonthonax
• Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve

Further reading

Primary sources

The following list of letters, addresses, and minutes were obtained from a collection of pamphlets entitled La Révolution française et l'abolition de l'esclavage. 12 vols. Paris: Editions d'histoire sociale, 1968.

• Brissot J.P. Mémoire sur les Noirs de l'Amérique Septentrionale, lu a l'Assemblée de La Société des Amis des Noirs, le 9 février 1789,Paris, au Bureau du Patriote, 20 décembre 1789
  • Ibid Seconde Addresse a l'Assemblé Nationale, par la Société des Amis des Noirs, etablie a Paris -(Paris), Imprimerie du Patriote François, s.d. (1790)
  • Ibid Discours sur la nécéssité de maintenir le décret rendu le 15 mai en faveur des hommes de couleur libres, prononcé le 12 septembre 1791, à la séance de la Société des Amis de la Constitution Imprimé par ordre de la Société. – S.I. (Paris), s.d. (1791).
• Claviere, E. Addresse de la Société des Amis des Noirs, a l'Assemblée Nationale, a toutes les Manufactures, aux Colonies, a toutes les Sociétés des Amis de la Constitution; Addresse dans laquelle on approfondit les relations politiques et commerciales entre la Metropole et les Colonies Seconde édition, revue et corrigée. – Paris: Desenne et au Bureau du Patriote François, 10 juillet 1791.
• Condorcet (J.A.N. de Caritat, marquis de): Réflexions sur l'esclavage des negres Par M. Swartz [Condorcet's pseudonym], Pasteur du Saint Evangile a Bienne, Membre de la Société économique Nouvelle édition revue & corrigée. – Neufchatel et Paris, Froullé, 1788.
• Wadstrom (Charles-Bernard). Additions aux réglemens de la Société des Amis des Noirs et des Colonies Paris: 1796.
• La Société des Amis des Noirs. Discours sur la nécessité d'établir a Paris une Société pour concourir, avec celle de Londres, a l'abolition de la traite & de l'esclavage des Negres Prononcé le 19 Février 1788, dans une Société de quelques amis, rassemblés a Paris, à la priere du Comité de Londres. – (Paris), s.d. (1788)
  • Ibid Reglemens de la Société des Amis des Noirs. – S.I. (Paris) s.d. (1789)
  • Ibid Tableau des Membres de la Société des Amis des Noirs. Année 1789 – S.I. (Paris), s.d. (1789)
  • Ibid Lettre de la Société des Amis des Noirs, B M. Necker, avec le Résponse de ce Ministre S.I. (Paris) s.d. (1789)
  • Ibid Addresse a l'Assemblée Nationale, pour l'abolition de la Traite des noirs Par le Société des Amis des Noirs de Paris. Février 1790. – Paris, Imprimerie de Potier de Lille, 1790.
  • Ibid Addresse aux Amis de l'humanité, par la Société des amis des Noirs, sur le plan de ses travaux Lue au Comité, le 4 juin 1790, et imprimée par son ordre. – (Paris), Imprimerie du Patriote François, s.d. (1790)
  • Ibid Reflexions sur le Code Noir, et Dénonciation d'un crime affreux, commis a Saint-Dominigue; addressés a l'Assemblée Nationale par la Société des Amis des Noirs – Paris, Imprimerie du Patriote François, aôut 1790.
  • Ibid Decret de la Convention Nationale, du 16. jour de Pluviôse, an second de la République Française, une & indivisible, Qui abolit l'esclavage des Negres dans les Colonies (Paris: 1794)
• Clarkson, T. History of the Rise, Progress and Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (London: 1808), pp. 381–404

Secondary sources

• (EN) Hugh Chisholm (a cura di), Enciclopedia Britannica, XI, Cambridge University Press, 1911.
• Baker, K. Condorcet Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1975
• Benot, Y. La révolution française et la fin des colonies Paris: Éditions La Découverte, 1988
• Blackburn, R. The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery 1776–1848 London: Verso, 1988
• Biondi, J.P. Zuccarelli, F. 16 Pluviose An II Paris: Éditions Denoel, 1989
• Brown, G. The Origins of Abolition in Santo Domingo The Journal Negro History, 7 (1922): 365–376
• Cahen, L. La Société des Amis des noirs et Condorcet La Révolution française, 50 (1906): 481–511
• Cochin, A. L'Abolition de L'Esclavage. Fort-de-France Editions Emile Désormeaux, 1979. (reprint)
• Cohen, W.B. The French Encounter with Africans Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1980
• Cooper, A. Slavery and the French Revolutionists (1788–1805 Lewiston, New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988
• Davis, D. The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969
• Despin, J. Montesquieu était-il esclavagiste? La Pensée, 193 (1977): 102–112
• Ellery, E. Brissot de Warville New York: Burt Franklin, 1970
• Foubert, B. Colons et esclaves du sud de Saint-Domingue au début de la Révolution Revue Française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 61, 223 (1974): 199–217
• Gainot, Bernard and Marcel Dorigny, La Société des amis des noirs, 1788–1799. Contribution à l'histoire de l'abolition de l'esclavage, Collection Mémoire des peuples, Paris, Éditions UNESCO/EDICEF, 1998, 429 p. ISBN 92-3-203306-2; ISSN 284129553-2 (this book contains protocols of the society and can only ordered from UNESCO; content in french)
• Garrett, M. The French Colonial Question 1789–1791 Ann Arbor, Michigan: George Wahr, 1916
• Gaston-Martin Histoire de L'Esclavage dans les Colonies Françaises Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1948
• Geggus, D. Racial Equality, Slavery, and Colonial Secession during the Constituent Assembly American Historical Review, 94 (1989): 1290–1308
• Hazard, S. Santo Domingo, Past and Present: With a Glance at Hayti Harper and Brothers, 1873
• Hunting, C. The Philosophes and the Question of Black Slavery 1748–1765 Journal of the History of Ideas, 39, 3 (1978): 405–418
• Lafontant, J. Montesquieu et le Probleme de L'Esclavage dans L'Esprit des Lois Sherbrooke, Québec: Editions Naaman, 1979
• Jameson, R. Montesquieu et L'Esclavage Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1911
• Jennings, L. The Interaction of French and British Antislavery, 1789–1848 Unpublished article 1991
• Krebs, A. La Fayette et le Probleme de L'Esclavage Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de L'Histoire de France, (1956–57): 49–60
• Lokke, C. France and the Colonial Question New York: AMS Press, 1968
• McCloy,S. Negroes and Mulattoes in Eighteenth-Century France The Journal of Negro History, 30 (1945): 276–292
  • Ibid Further Notes on Negroes and Mulattoes in Eighteenth-Century France The Journal of Negro History, 39 (1954): 284–297
  • Ibid The Negro in France Kentucky: University of Kentucky, 1961
  • Ibid The Humanitarian Movement in Eighteenth-Century France New York: Haskell House Publishers, 1972
• Métral, A. Histoire de L'Expédition des Français a Saint-Domingue Paris, Editions Karthala, 1985
• Necheles, R. The Abbé Grégoire 1787–1831 Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Corp., 1971
• Perroud, C. La Société Française des Amis des Noirs La Révolution Française, 69 (1916): 122–147
• Quinney, V. Decisions on Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Civil Rights for Negroes in the Early French Revolution Journal of Negro History, 55, 2 (1970): 117–130
  • Ibid The Problem of Civil Rights for Free Men of Color in the Early French Revolution Journal of Negro History, 55, 2 (1970): 544–557
• Resnick, Daniel P. The Société des Amis des Noirs and the Abolition of Slavery French Historical Studies, 7, 4 (1972): 558–569
• Seeber, E.D. Anti-Slavery Opinion in France During the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1937
• Stein, R. The Profitability of the Nantes Slave Trade Journal of Economic History, 35, 3 (1975): 779–793
  • Ibid The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1979
  • Ibid The Free Men of Colour and the Revolution in Saint Domingue, 1789–1792 Social History, 14 (1981): 7–28
  • Ibid Léger Félicité Sonthanax London: Associated University Press, 1985
• Stoddard, T. The French Revolution in San Domingo Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1970
• Tarrade, J. Les colonies et les Principes de 1789: Les Assemblées Révolutionnaire face au Probléme de L'Esclavage Revue française d'Histoire D'Outre-Mer, 76 (1989): 9–34
• Thibau, J. Le Temps de Saint-Domingue Saint-Armand-Montrond, France: Editions Jean-Claude Lattes, 1989
• Tulard, Jean; Fayard, Jean-François; Fierro, Alfred. Histoire et dictionnaire de la Révolution française 1789–1799, Éditions Robert Laffont, collection Bouquins.
• Vidalenc, J. Les traite des negres en France au début de la Révolution (1789–1793) Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française, 146 (1957): 56–69
• Viles, P. The Slaving Interest in the Atlantic Ports, 1763–1792 French Historical Studies, 7, 4 (1972): 529–543
• Whitman, D. Slavery and the Rights of Frenchmen: Views of Montesquieu, Rousseau and Raynal French Colonial Studies, 1 (1977): 17–33

External links

• Society of the Friends of Blacks, "Address to the National Assembly in Favor of the Abolition of the Slave Trade" (5 February 1790)
• Société des Amis des Noirs (France). Adresse à l'Assemblée nationale, pour l'abolition de la traite des Noirs, février 1790
• Société des Amis des Noirs (France ). Adresse de la Société des Amis des Noirs, à l'Assemblée nationale, à toutes les villes, Paris, Mars 1791
• Société des Amis des Noirs (France). La Société des Amis des Noirs à Arthur Dillon, député de la Martinique à l'Assemblée, mars, 1791

[[Categoria:Società della Rivoluzione Francese]] [[Categoria:Rivoluzione francese]] [[Category:Organizations based in France]] [[Category:1793 disestablishments]] [[Category:Abolitionism in France]] [[Category:French abolitionists]]