Utente:Toadino2/Fonologia storica delle vocali inglesi posteriori aperte

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Nella lingua inglese, la fonologia delle vocali posteriori aperte ha subito cambiamenti sia globalmente che tra i vari dialetti[1], sin dall'arcaico Medio inglese (XV secolo) fino ad oggi. La maggior parte dei cambiamenti dell'inglese moderno partirono col Grande spostamento vocalico, e continuano attraverso lo sviluppo del General American ed il #Cot-caught merger.

Cambiamenti dal XV secolo[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

Sezione vuotaQuesta sezione è ancora vuota. Aiutaci a scriverla!

Cambiamenti dal XVIII secolo[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

Dal 1700 vi furono vari sviluppi:[2]Barber, pp. 108, 111, 116</ref>

  • Il monottongo /ɔː/ di soul si chiuse in /oː/, assumendo la vocale di boat (vedi toe–tow merger). Questo non si verificò prima di /r/ eccetto poche varietà, come si vede oggi nell'Hiberno-English, inglese scozzese e vernacolo inglese africano dell'America.
  • La /a/ si fuse con /ɔ/ quando seguiva /w/, come in want, quality. La fusione non avvenne prima di consononante velare, come in quack, twang, wag, wax. Prima di /r/ non prevocalica, la vocale venne aperta ed allungata, così da fondersi invece con /ɒː/, come in war.[3] Il passaggio di /wa/ a /wɔ/ non si verificò nel Mid-Ulster English.
  • Short /ɔ/ had begun to partake in lengthening before a nonprevocalic voiceless fricative. This resulted in words like broth, cost, and off having /ɒː/ instead of /ɔ/.[4]
  • Short /ɒ/ before /r/ lengthened to /ɒː/: thus corn, /kɒːrn/
  • In words such as change and chamber, the pronunciation /ɒː/ was gradually replaced in the standard language by a variant with /eː/, derived from Middle English /aː/. This explains the contemporary pronunciation of these words with /eɪ/.[5]

This left the language with three low back vowels:

Father–bother merger[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

The father–bother merger is a merger of the Early Modern English vowels /ɑː/ and /ɒ/ that occurs in almost all varieties of North American English (exceptions are accents in northeastern New England, such as the Boston accent, and in New York City).[6][7][8] In those accents with the merger father and bother rhyme, Kahn and con are homophonous as [kɑn], and Saab and sob are homophonous as [sɑb]. Balm and bomb may also be homophones as /bɑm/: however this merger is prevented for some speakers by the reintroduction of the historical l into balm.[9] Another possible merger is lager and logger, for some but by no means all speakers, particularly those with the lot–cloth split when it extends to -og words including log.[10] Unrounding of EME /ɒ/ is also found in Norwich, the West Country, the West Midlands and in Hiberno-English, but apparently with no phonemic merger (typically because vowel length remains phonemic).[7] The card–cord merger is a roughly similar merger, but occurring before r.

Lot–cloth split[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

The lot–cloth split is the result of a late 17th century sound change that lengthened /ɒ/ to [ɒː] before voiceless fricatives, and also before /n/ in the word gone. In some accents, the lengthened [ɒː] was raised, merging with the /ɔː/ of words like thought. The sound change is most consistent in the last syllable of a word, and much less so elsewhere (see below). Some words that entered the language later, especially when used more in writing than speech, are exempt from the lengthening, e.g. joss and Goth with the short vowel.

The cot–caught merger, discussed below, has removed the distinction in some dialects, and may make the lot-cloth split less noticeable.

As a result of the lengthening and raising, in the above-mentioned accents cross rhymes with sauce, and soft and cloth also have the vowel /ɔː/. Accents affected by this change include American English and, originally, RP, although today words of this group almost always have short /ɒ/ in RP. The split still exists in some older RP speakers, including Queen Elizabeth II.

The lengthening and raising generally happened before the fricatives /f/, /θ/ and /s/. In American English the raising was extended to the environment before /ŋ/ and /ɡ/, and in a few words before /k/ as well, giving pronunciations like /lɔŋ/ for long, /dɔɡ/ for dog and /tʃɔklɨt/ for chocolate. (Obviously, in accents of American English that are subject to the cot–caught merger, there is no difference between words that did and those that did not undergo the change.)

In the varieties of American English that have the lot–cloth split, the lot vowel is usually symbolized as /ɑ/ and the cloth vowel as /ɔ/, since the distinction is usually one of vowel quality rather than length. The actual pronunciation of these vowels may vary somewhat from the symbol used to denote them; e.g. /ɔ/ is often pronounced closer to a low back rounded vowel [ɒ], and /ɑ/ is sometimes fronted to a low central vowel [ä]. Some words vary as to which vowel they have. For example, words that end in -og like frog, hog, fog, log, bog etc. have /ɑ/ rather than /ɔ/ in some accents.

There are also significant complexities in the pronunciation of written o occurring before one of the triggering phonemes /f θ s ŋ ɡ/ in a non-final syllable. Normally, when a word is formed by adding a suffix to an existing word, the vowel quality is maintained. Hence /ɔ/ occurs in crossing, crosser, crosses because it occurs in cross; likewise in longing, longer, longest because it occurs in long. In words not formed this way, however, the phoneme /ɑ/ tends to occur even before a triggering phoneme. For example, possible, jostle, impostor, profit, Gothic, bongo, Congo, and boggle all have /ɑ/.[11] But there are numerous exceptions (e.g. Boston with /ɔ/), including across apparent rhyming pairs (e.g. roster with /ɑ/ but foster often with /ɔ/), as well as a good deal of variation (coffee, offer, donkey, soggy, boondoggle, etc. with either /ɑ/ or /ɔ/, depending on the speaker).[11]

The word gone usually has /ɔ/ in accents with the lot–cloth split, but has /ɑ/ in accents of New York and New Jersey which have the split.

The word on is pronounced with /ɑ/ in the North, but with /ɔ/ in the Midland, Mid-Atlantic and South.

Cot–caught merger[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

On this map of English-speaking North America, the green dots represent speakers who have completely merged the vowels of cot and caught. The dark blue dots represent speakers who have completely resisted the merger. The medium blue dots represent speakers with a partial merger (either production or perception but not both), and the yellow dots represent speakers with the merger in transition. Based on the work of Labov, Ash and Boberg.[8]

The cot–caught merger (also known as the low back merger) is a phonemic merger, a sound change, that occurs in the open and open-mid back vowels of many English accents.

The shift causes the vowel sound in words like cot, nod, and stock (most commonly represented in the International Phonetic Alphabet as Template:IPAc-en),[N 1] and the vowel sound in words like caught, gnawed, and stalk (in IPA, Template:IPAc-en), to merge into a single phoneme; therefore cot and caught, for example, become perfect homophones, and gone and John, for example, become perfect rhymes. The change very rarely affects a vowel followed by /r/, so barn and born remain distinct, and starring and warring do not rhyme. The merger occurs in:

The presence of the merger and its absence are both found in many different regions of the North American continent, where it has been studied most in-depth, and in both urban and rural environments. The symbols traditionally used to transcribe the vowels in the words cot and caught as spoken in American English are /ɑ/ and /ɔ/, respectively, although their precise phonetic values may vary, as does the phonetic value of the merged vowel in the regions where the merger occurs.

According to Labov, Ash, and Boberg,[8] the merger does not generally occur in the southern United States (with exceptions), along most of the American side of the Great Lakes region, or in the "Northeast Corridor" extended metropolitan region from Providence, Rhode Island to Baltimore.

The distribution of the merger is complex, even without taking into account the mobility of the American population; there are pockets of speakers with the merger in areas that lack it, and vice versa. There are areas where the merger has only partially occurred, or is in a state of transition. For example, based on research directed by William Labov (using telephone surveys), younger speakers in Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas exhibit the merger while speakers older than 40 typically do not.[18] The 2003 Harvard Dialect Survey,[19] in which subjects did not necessarily grow up in the place they identified as the source of their dialect features, indicates that there are speakers of both merging and contrast-preserving accents throughout the country, though the basic isoglosses are almost identical to those revealed by Labov's 1996 telephone survey. Both surveys indicate that approximately 60% of American English speakers preserve the contrast, while approximately 40% make the merger, although in a more recent interview, Labov stated that "Half of this country has a merger of the word classes, cot, caught, don, dawn, hock, hawk."[20]

For merged speakers in Canada and much of the United States, the two sounds [ɑ] and [ɔ] are allophones; they often do not perceive differences in their usage, hear neither of them as a separate phoneme, and hear the distinct vowels used by speakers whose dialects do distinguish them as variations on the same vowel. They hear the broad A of British Received Pronunciation as the same, single vowel sound. But in Received Pronunciation, there are three sounds distinguished: the long /ɑː/ of cart, the long /ɔː/ of caught, and the short rounded /ɒ/ of cot.

Speakers with the merger in northeastern New England still maintain a phonemic distinction between a fronted and unrounded /aː/ and a back and usually rounded /ɒː/, because in northeastern New England (unlike in Canada and the Western United States), the cot–caught merger occurred without the father–bother merger. Thus, although northeastern New Englanders pronounce both cot and caught as [kʰɒːt], they pronounce cart as [kʰäːt].

Labov et al. also reveal that about 15% of respondents have a specific /ɒ/–/ɔ/ merger before /n/ but not before /t/ (or other consonants), so that Don and dawn are homophonous, but cot and caught are not. In this case, a distinct vowel shift (which overlaps with the cot–caught merger for all speakers who have indeed completed the cot–caught merger) is taking place, identified as the Don–dawn merger.[21] This merger causes a particularly unusual phenomenon in the mid-Atlantic U.S. dialects, most famously, of metropolitan Philadelphia and Baltimore, in which words like Don (also, con, on, Ron, etc.) have the same vowel as dawn, dog and draw (in the mid-Atlantic, this is [ɔə~oə]), but not the same vowel as dock, dot, and dodge ([ɑ~ä]). In these dialects, in other words, on and pawn rhyme perfectly, but odd and pawed do not rhyme at all. A much smaller group (about 4%) demonstrates the reverse situation: cot and caught are homophonous yet Don and dawn are distinct.

Thought–goat merger[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

The thought–goat merger is a merger of the English vowels /ɔː/ and /oʊ/ that occurs in many female speakers of Geordie.[22] It has also been reported as a possibility in some Northern Welsh accents.[23]

Table[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

Stages leading to some of the low back vowels of General American, summarized from Wells (1982) with the cot–caught merger added
law
ball
taught
caught		 off
cloth
loss		 lot
stop
rob
cot
bother		 father
palm
calm
Middle English aʊ ɔ ɔ a
Quality change ɒ ɒ
Thought-monophthonging ɔː
Pre-fricative lengthening ɒː
A-lengthening aː
Quality change ɑː
Lot-unrounding ɑ
Loss of distinctive length ɔ ɒ (ɑ) ɑ
Cloth–thought merger (ɔ) ɔ
General American Output ɔ ɔ ɑ ɑ
Cot–caught merger ɑ ɑ ɑ ɑ

Template:Clarify

See also[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

Notes[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

  1. ^ Nel mondo anglofono si ha un'accezione di dialetto più nel senso di "varietà regionale", che vere e proprie lingue con elementi grammaticali e lessicali propri, come avviene in Italia.
  2. ^ Errore nelle note: Errore nell'uso del marcatore <ref>: non è stato indicato alcun testo per il marcatore barber
  3. ^ Barber, pp. 121-122
  4. ^ Barber, p. 123
  5. ^ Barber, p. 108
  6. ^ Merriam Webster Pronunciation Guide
  7. ^ a b c d Wells, John C., Accents of English, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-521-22919-7, (vol. 1). ISBN 0-521-24224-X (vol. 2)., ISBN 0-521-24225-8 (vol. 3)., pp. 136–37, 203–6, 234, 245–47, 339–40, 400, 419, 443, 576
  8. ^ a b c Labov et al. (2006), p. 171
  9. ^ Labov et al. (2006), p 169
  10. ^ http://arnoldzwicky.wordpress.com/2009/10/27/lagers-and-loggers/
  11. ^ a b According to the online edition of the Oxford Advanced American Dictionary, [1].
  12. ^ a b Accents of English from Around the World, su lel.ed.ac.uk, University of Edinburgh, 2013.
  13. ^ a b c Labov p. 60-1.
  14. ^ C. L. Gagnon, Language attitudes in Pittsburgh: 'Pittsburghese' vs. standard English. Master’s thesis, Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh, 1999.
  15. ^ Labov p. 122.
  16. ^ Labov p. 218.
  17. ^ http://videoweb.nie.edu.sg/phonetic/papers/teach-sge.pdf
  18. ^ Template:Harvcoltxt, citing the TELSUR project
  19. ^ The 2003 Harvard Dialect Survey
  20. ^ http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5220090
  21. ^ Labov p. 217.
  22. ^ Template:Harvcoltxt
  23. ^ Template:Harvcoltxt

References[modifica | modifica wikitesto]


Bibliography[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

External links[modifica | modifica wikitesto]

Template:History of English
Errore nelle note: Sono presenti dei marcatori <ref> per un gruppo chiamato "N" ma non è stato trovato alcun marcatore <references group="N"/> corrispondente

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