Wikipedia:Raduni/Giornata della memoria 2021 (online)

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Memoriale della Shoah di Milano

Premessa[modifica wikitesto]

Per il Giorno della Memoria 2021 era stato previsto e preparato anche con la Wikimedia Foundation che di fatto finanziava il progetto, una manifestazione presso il Memoriale della Shoah di Milano con tre "momenti": un editathon, una conferenza con tre importati storici nazionali e internazionali della Shoah: Detlef Garbe, Claudio Vercelli e Marcello Pezzetti), e una imponente mostra fotografica basata su 40 pannelli 50x50 stampati direttamente su forex 1mm. La manifestazione era improntata su un'altra categoria di perseguitati durante l'Olocausto ovvero: i Testimoni di Geova. Questa manifestazione seguiva le precedenti del 2019 e del 2020 che rispettivamente trattavano della Shoah degli Ebrei d'Europa e del Porrajmos degli zingari, quest'ultima ha ottenuto un notevole successo di articoli pubblicati su importanti media nazionali e regionali. Causa coronavirus, la Foundation ci ha chiesto cosa volevamo farne di quell'iniziativa chiedendoci se fosse nostro desiderio farla online. Dopo aver sentito i pareri di colleghi che organizzano questo tipo di manifestazione al Memoriale, abbiamo deciso di "congelare" la manifestazione sui Testimoni di Geova a un anno più consono, decisione che è stata prontamente fatta presente alla Foundation, visto che un ruolo importante di quella manifestazione lo ricopriva non solo la corposa mostra fotografica, ma anche la conferenza "fisica" con tre importanti storici specializzati sul tema, con cui avremmo condiviso una giornata importante di studio.

Messa in stand by la manifestazioni sui TdG, siamo stati sollecitati da più parti per organizzare qualcosa per il Giorno della Memoria del 2021 ovvero fra circa cinque mesi. Dopo una breve ma meditata consultazione, abbiamo deciso che mentre tutte le manifestazioni riguardanti le categorie dei perseguitati dal nazifascismo si faranno fisicamente al Memoriale della Shoah nei prossimi anni, per quelle online avremmo affrontato temi diversi ma di estrema importanza. Quello che proponiamo per il Giorno della Memoria del 27 gennaio 2021 è: Negazionisti dell'Olocausto : gli Eichmann di carta che riprende un concetto espresso nel libro Les assassins de la mémoire : un Eichmann de papier et autres essais sur le revisionnisme dal suo autorevole autore Pierre Vidal-Naquet.

«Ne parleremo solo tra noi e mai pubblicamente»

(Heinrich Himmler parlando derllo sterminio pianificato degli ebrei - Posen 1943)


Momenti della manifestazione[modifica wikitesto]

La manifestazione prevede tre momenti: 1) Editathon, 2) Conferenza e 3) "Concorso"

Tema della manifestazione online[modifica wikitesto]

Negazionisti dell'Olocausto : gli Eichmann di carta

Dove[modifica wikitesto]

Online con il programma di videoconferenza: Zoom Meetings (istruzioni per accedervi entro inizio di gennaio 2021). Il programma sarà a nostra disposizione per tutta la durata della manifestazione ovvero dalle 10.00 alle ore 20.00 del 27 gennaio 2021

Quando[modifica wikitesto]

  • Editathon: (durata) - 27 gennaio 2021 dalle ore 10.00 alle ore 17,45
  • Conferenza: (durata) - 27 gennaio 2021 dalle ore 18.00 alle 19.00
  • Concorso: (comunicazioni) - 27 gennaio 2021 dalle ore 19.00 alle 19.20
  • Chiusura della manifestazione - 27 gennaio 2021 ore 19.30

Organizzazione evento[modifica wikitesto]

Editathon[modifica wikitesto]

L'editathon si terrà dalla mattina alle 10.00 alle 17.45 di pom. Chi partecipa è pregato di scrivere il proprio user accanto alla voce che vuole fare o modificare vedi "Voci da fare (ex novo o da migliorare)" di questa pagina.

  • Camelia Boban (responsabile)
  • Gregorio Bisso

Conferenza[modifica wikitesto]

  • Gianfranco (responsabile)

Programma:
Saluti e introduzione di Marcello Pezzetti con: "Nazisti ai processi: le dichiarazioni sullo sterminio e sulle camere a gas"
Tema: per minuti 30 del wikipediano Luigi Vianelli: Tema: Negazionismo e Wikipedia
Tema: per minuti 30 dott. Stefano Gatti, Osservatorio Antisemitismo della Fondazione centro di documentazione ebraica contemporanea (CDEC) di Milano. Tema : In anteprima nazionale il Rapporto 2020 sull'Antisemitismo

A fine conferenza Bramfab comunicherà a tutti le modalità per ricevere i libri o il cofanetto del "concorso".

Relazioni pubbliche[modifica wikitesto]

  • Jolanda Pensa

Contabilità[modifica wikitesto]

  • Bramfab
  • Mattia Luigi Nappi

Concorso[modifica wikitesto]

  • Bramfab
  • Salvatore Talia

"Concorso"[modifica wikitesto]

A 10 colleghi intervenuti e partecipanti all'editathon che avranno migliorato o fatto una voce ex-novo saranno donati le due più importanti pubblicazioni sulla Shoah:

Inoltre:

I rimanenti colleghi riceveranno

Come potete notare il termine "concorso" è alquanto improprio, visto che tutti i colleghi che parteciperanno all'editathon, senza che ci sia nessuna competizione (anche se sana!), porteranno a casa qualcosa di "tangibile" sulla cultura della Shoah :)

Organizzazione evento[modifica wikitesto]

  • Francesco Carbonara

Voci dell'editathon[modifica wikitesto]

Voci nuove da fare[modifica wikitesto]

Biografie[modifica wikitesto]

  • Wolfgang Benz, storico e accademico tedesco, uno fra i massimi studiosi dell'Olocausto e dell'antisemitismo (è stato direttore del Centro di Ricerca sull'Antisemitismo della Technische Unversität di Berlino), noto per la sua ricerca sulla stima dei milioni di ebrei uccisi dal regime nazista durante l'Olocausto (dai 5,29 ai 6,2 milioni), lavorando su dati emersi dopo l'apertura degli archivi governativi dell'Europa orientale negli anni '90.
  • Lucy Dawidowicz, storica e scrittrice statunitense, specialista in storia ebraica moderna e Olocausto (linea intenzionalista)
  • David McCalden, (nuova voce), britannico di estrema destra. Cofondatore dell'Institute for Historical Review con Willis Carto
  • Willis Carto, (nuova voce), politico populista statunitense e cofondatore dell' Institute for Historical Review con David McCalden
  • Gerald L. K. Smith, sacerdote statunitense, politico populista e zelante antisemita. Leader del movimento "Share Our Wealth" e fondatore della "Crociata Nazionalista Cristiana", collocato dagli storici (con il suo "The Cross and The Flag") fra i "primi personaggi" nella "cronologia" del negazionismo internazionale.
  • David L. Hoggan, storico e accademico statunitense, filonazista e negazionista, autore di The Myth of the Six Million (Il mito dei sei milioni)
  • Noam Chomsky, Noto accademico statunitense di origine ebraica. "Padre della linguistica moderna"e professore emerito presso il Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). [Citato a sproposito dai negazionisti dell'IHR (vedi la domanda 62, qui : https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/how-to-refute-holocaust-denial)]. Integrare in voce ciò che realmente pensa dell'Olocausto.
  • Bradley Smith (storico), storico statunitense e negazionista dell'Olocausto.Portavoce dell'Institute for Historical Review (IHR) e fondatore con Mark Weber del "Committee for Open Debate On the Holocaust" (CODOH).
  • Harry Elmer Barnes, storico statunitense, revisionista e negazionista dell'Olocausto defini' Hitler «il leader più "ragionevole" del mondo nel 1939»
  • James Keegstra, insegnante canadese, zelante antisemita e nagazionista dell'Olocausto, accusato e condannato per incitamento all'odio nel 1984. Ai suoi allievi descrisse gli ebrei come "traditori", "sovversivi", "sadici", "amanti del denaro", "affamati di potere" e "assassini di bambini". Insegnò alle sue classi che il popolo ebraico cercava di distruggere il cristianesimo e che erano responsabili di anarchia, caos, guerre e rivoluzioni
  • Paul-Otto Schmidt, l'interprete di Hitler, in tutte le altre wiki tranne la nostra
  • Reimund Schnabel, storico tedesco autore del Il disonore dell'uomo. Documenti sulle SS (nuova voce)
  • Mel Mermelstein, ebreo ungherese sopravvissuto ad Auschwitz che sconfisse in tribunale i negazionisti dell'Institute for Historical Review nel 1981 che avevano messo a disposizione 50.000 dollari (in realtà Mermelstein ne incassò 90.000) per chi avrebbe provato l'esistenza delle camere a gas ad Auschwitz (punto 5 di questo) - Fatta da [@ Lungoleno], qualche ora fa il link era rosso :)--Fcarbonara (msg) 18:22, 12 set 2020 (CEST)
  • David Cole (giornalista, statunitense, negazionista dell'Olocausto
  • Mark Weber (storico), storico statunitense negazionista, direttore dell'Institute for Historical Review (nuova voce)
  • Jürgen Graf, scrittore svizzero negazionista, (nuova voce)
  • Henri Roques, (fu) un attivo negazionista francese (nuova voce)
  • Fred A. Leuchter, negazionista (in diverse altre wiki) (nuova voce)
  • Alfred Ploetz, biologo tedesco filonazista che coniò il termine "igiene razziale" : «É soltanto favorendo i forti che sono adatti alla vita, e annientando gli inadatti, come esige la natura, che incoraggeremo l'igiene che aiuta la collettività»
  • Arthur Butz, statunitense, negazionista dell'Olocausto e autore di The Hoax of the Twentieth Century (nuova voce)
  • JG Burg (Josef Ginsburg), pseudonimo del giornalista ebreo tedesco negazionista (nuova voce)
  • Jan Markiewicz, direttore dell'Istituto forense di Cracovia. Ripete nel febbraio 1990 i test del "Rapporto Leuchter" (negazionista), usando tecniche di microdiffusione per testare campioni di cianuro provenienti dalle camere a gas e dimostra l'inaffidabilità di quel rapporto.
  • Gerhard Kittel, teologo luterano di Tubinga, filonazista e feroce antisemita, William Albright disse di lui: "Considerando la terribile ferocia dei suoi attacchi all'ebraismo e agli ebrei [...], Gerhard Kittel [...ha] contribuito più, forse, di qualsiasi altro teologo cristiano allo [sterminio] degli ebrei [...]". - Me ne occupo io Giovanni Jarre
  • Dieter Wisliceny, capitano SS e importante collaboratore del colonnello Adolf Eichmann alla sezione "questioni ebraiche" della Gestapo (in tutte le altre wiki, tranne la nostra)
  • Franz Suchomel, criminale di guerra nazista, intervistato da Lanzmann raccontò i crimini commessi nel campo di sterminio di Treblinka (in tutte le altre wiki tranne la nostra)
  • Hans Münch (dottore), medico delle SS ad Auschwitz, conosciuto anche come "il buono di Auschwitz" (in tutte le altre wiki tranne nella nostra)
  • Michael von Cranach, medico, psichiatra e scrittore. Dal 1980 al 2006 è stato direttore medico dell'ospedale distrettuale di Kaufbeuren. A lui va il merito di aver ricercato e scoperto ciò che avveniva nella clinica di Kaufbeuren (e nella sua filiale di Irsee) in epoca nazista a proposito del programma Aktion T4, e dei demeriti del medico criminale nazista che la dirigeva Valentin Falthauser (l'inventore della Dieta E). La Memorial Lindau Foundation (promotrice del Lindau Nobel Laureate Meetings) lo ha onorato nel 2006 con il "Marion Samuel Prize" e nel 2019 con il "Wilhelm-Griesinger-Medaille" (vedi in de la voce: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marion-Samuel-Preis e la voce "Wilhelm-Griesinger-Medaille" in it la voce Ernst Lossa)
  • August Eigruber, SS/SA-Obergruppenführer e Gauleiter dell'Alta Austria, processato a Dachau e ritenuto colpevole da un tribunale militare americano per "crimini contro l'umanità" compiuti nel campo di Mauthausen.
  • ...

Libri e Diari[modifica wikitesto]

Musei, enciclopedie, istituti di ricerca, rapporti, varie[modifica wikitesto]

  • Processi di Auschwitz, mettere ordine con una voce che funga da raccordo dei vari processi, da quelli tenuti in Polonia (non solo il primo, ovvero quello tenutosi a Cracovia, [per la Dichiarazione di Mosca del 30 ottobre 1943] in Polonia se ne tennero altri di cui in voce non si fa nessun accenno e che portarono alla sbarra un totale 617 imputati, di cui 34 condannati a morte. Idem per gli ulteriori processi (plurale) di Francoforte in Germania. Inoltre SS di Auschwitz sono stati processati anche dai tribunali di altri paesi, almeno altri 11 processi di questo tipo tenuti da tribunali britannici, americani, sovietici, francesi e cechi. (nuova voce) (vedi: qui)
  • Processi di Treblinka, due processi dal 12 ottobre 1964 al 24 agosto 1965, tenutosi a Dusseldorf in Germania
  • Processo di Belzec, dal 8 agosto 1963 al 24 giugno 1964 presso il tribunale distrettuale di Monaco in Germania (nuova voce)
  • Processo di Sobibor (nuova voce), tenutosi ad Hagen in Germania nel 1965-1966 contro gli ufficiali delle SS che avevano lavorato nel Campo di sterminio di Sobibor (nuova voce)
  • Processi di Chelmno, un totale di 5 processi: 1945 in Polonia presso il Tribunale distrettuale di Łódź. I rimanenti quattro in Germania: iniziano a Bonn nel 1962 e si concludono nel 1965 a Colonia (nuova voce)
  • Processo di Majdanek, dal 27 novembre 1944 al 2 dicembre 1944 a Lublino presso il tribunale penale speciale sovietico/polacco. «Tutti i sei imputati sono stati giudicati colpevoli e condannati a morte. Dopo il verdetto, uno si suicidò, gli altri cinque furono impiccati il 3 dicembre 1944» (nuova voce)
  • Processi di Dachau, tenuti tra novembre 1945 e dicembre 1947 nell'ex campo di concentramento nazista da un tribunale americano. 465 processi riguardanti 1200 imputati per crimini riguardanti i campi di concentramento di Dachau, Buchenwald, Flossenburg, Mauthausen, Nordhausen e Mühldorf e tutti i relativi sottocampi. Processati inoltre i responsabili del Massacro a Malmédy e dell' Ospedale psichiatrico Hadamar(Aktion T4) (nuova voce)
  • Processi di Mauthausen [rientrano nei processi che si tennero a Dachau], una serie di processi a Dachau nei confronti di 61 criminali del campo processati da un tribunale militare degli Stati Uniti tra il 29 marzo e il 13 maggio del 1946 (58 imputati ritenuti colpevoli furono condannati a morte) e in seguito per altri otto componenti del campo processati dal 6 al 21 agosto 1947 fra cui il famigerato August Eigruber giudicato colpevole e giustiziato (nuova voce)
  • Processi di Ravensbrück, serie di sette processi tenutesi ad Amburgo in Germania dal 5 dicembre 1946 al 3 febbraio 1947. (nuova voce)
  • Processo di Sachsenhausen, 23 ottobre 1947, 16 processati da un tribunale militare sovietico a Berlino. (voce nuova)
  • Processo di Natzweiler, un tribunale britannico che nella città tedesca di Wuppertal, dal 9 aprile al 5 maggio del 1946 giudica i criminali nazisti dell'unico campo di concentramento in suolo francese.
  • Progetto Nizkor (in ebraico: Ricorderemo!), (nuova voce), esistente in ebraico, inglese, tedesco, e altre wiki. Imponente progetto online che contrasta "il negazionismo della Shoah" e curato dal B'nai Brith Canada (la più antica organizzazione ebraica di servizi nel mondo)
  • B'nai Brith Canada, la più antica organizzazione ebraica di servizi che ha fra i suoi scopi dichiarati: venire in soccorso delle vittime delle persecuzioni e contrastare l'antisemitismo.
  • Casa-museo della Conferenza di Wannsee, (nuova voce)
  • Enciclopedia dell'Olocausto (quella dell'USHMM) (nuova voce)
  • Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945 (prodotta dall'USHMM in cartaceo), iniziata nel 1999 sarà completata nel 2025, oggi pronti tre volumi, i volumi totali saranno sette, 44.000 luoghi fra ghetti, campi, sottocampi e luoghi di tortura e di uccisioni. Due volumi (per un totale di circa 2000 pagine) sono online e possono già essere scaricati (nuova voce)
  • Massacri e Negazionismo (da Babij Jar a Hrastina, Szczurowa, Sabac, Várpalota, Bronna Góra) (nuova voce)
  • Rapporto Gerstein (1945) scritto da Kurt Gerstein e messo in discussione dai negazionisti (nuova voce)
  • Rapporto Leuchter (nuova voce)
  • European Holocaust Research Infrastructure (EHRI), immenso database europeo sull'Olocausto (nuova voce)
  • Mappa del negazionismo e dei negazionisti nel mondo, (nuova voce). Dai più noti: Henri Roques, Arthur Butz, Maurice Bardèche, Paul Rassinier, Jürgen Graf, Mark Weber, David Irving, Robert Faurisson, Carlo Mattogno, Ernst Zündel, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, Nikos Michaloliakos di Alba Dorata e altri - a coloro che hanno fatto dichiarazioni negazioniste di un certo rilievo come i proff. italiani: Roberto Valvo, Franco Damiani, Claudio Moffa, Ugo Gaudienzi + caso del Governo Polacco e legge contro definisce "polacchi" i campi di sterminio.
  • Revisionismo e Negazionismo (Differenze) (nuova voce): «mentre ogni storico che si rispetti è revisionista, nel senso che è disposto a rimettere costantemente in gioco le proprie conoscenze acquisite qualora l’evidenza documentaria lo induca a rivedere le sue posizioni, il negazionista è colui che nega l’evidenza storica stessa» - Valentina Pisanty
  • Negazionismo tecnico (nuova voce) A mio avviso la voce deve essere separata da ogni altra voce sul negazionismo e deve contenere una corposa sezione di "critiche" supportate da fonti su questo "particolare" tipo di negazionismo (da ragionare con altri del Progetto)
  • Osservatorio Mediavox dell'Università Cattolica di Milano (nuova voce), vedere se ci sono presupposti wiki per creare una nuova voce sull'Osservatorio. [@ Bramfab], [@ Salvatore Talia]
  • ...

Voci da migliorare: ampliare o correggere[modifica wikitesto]

Biografie[modifica wikitesto]

  • Patrick Desbois, presbitero cattolico francese, eminente ricercatore dei crimini compiuti dalle Einsatzgruppen e presidente di Yahad-In Unum. Da ampliare con note
  • Georges Bensoussan, storico francese (ampliare voce sulla sua massima competenza: l'antisemitismo)
  • Pierre Vidal-Naquet, storico francese, (ampliare la voce sulle sue posizioni contro il negazionismo)
  • Robert Faurisson, saggista francese negazionista, (da sistemare: vedi template in voce)
  • Ernst Zündel, pubblicista tedesco negazionista, (da sistemare: vedi template in voce)
  • Claudio Vercelli, storico italiano (ampliare la parte delle sue opere contro il negazionismo)
  • Rudolf Höß, rivedere il paragrafo "Polemiche negazioniste" a volte le polemiche diventano "spiegazioni" vedi p.e. «Il manoscritto„ di Höß in diverse centinaia pagine non contiene una sola correzione o un appunto fatto a lato, a conferma di un testo copiato[nota 51]», a conferma di cosa? Manca completamente la polemica del testo estorto sotto copiatura e come se non bastasse la nota 51 fa riferimento a una pubblicazione del "cripto-revisionista"Jean-Claude Pressac (da sistemare)
  • Cesare Orsenigo, nunzio apostolico di Berlino (+ storiografia sul nunzio filonazista e i suoi "rapporti" edulcorati sulle atrocità naziste)
  • Kurt Gerstein, ufficiale delle Waffen-SS e membro dell'Istituto d'Igiene delle SS che fu contro il genocidio (vedi anche Gerstein report ) + fonti
  • Paul Blobel (ampliare la parte riguardante l'operazione segreta che riguardava l'occultamento delle prove degli eccidi, meglio conosciuta come Aktion 1005). Estremamente importante l'affidavit con cui ammette i suoi crimini e l'ordine (top secret) ricevuto di far sparire le prove (della prima parte parte dell'Olocausto) ad opera degli innumerevoli eccidi commessi dalle Einsatzgruppen: questo
  • Otto Ohlendorf, vedi giusto template: assenza di fonti, (e aggiungo) fonti inesistenti su dichiarazioni di estrema importanza riguardanti i massacri delle Einsatzgruppe-D
  • Felix Kersten, fisioterapista finlandese di origine estone, medico personale di Himmler (ampliare la voce con le sue memorie: The Kerstein Memoirs, 1956, pp. 162-3 e in particolare sullo sterminio in atto degli ebrei, vedi anche qui, risposta alla domanda 26)
  • Maurice Bardèche, figura di spicco dell’estrema destra europea del secondo dopoguerra. Ampliare la voce mettendo in risalto che «si è sostenuto che le origini del negazionismo siano da rintracciare [proprio] in una serie di [suoi] pamphlets pubblicati nell’immediato dopoguerra, dalla Lettre a François Mauriac a Nuremberg ou la terre promise, Bardèche avrebbe avanzato le prime tesi riprese poi dal negazionismo negli anni Settanta» (Vercelli - Germnario)
  • Erich Bauer, aggiungere in voce le dichiarazioni rilasciate ai processi che lo riguardarono sullo sterminio in atto degli ebrei e l'uso del gas nel campo di sterminio di Sobibor.

Libri e Diari[modifica wikitesto]

Musei, enciclopedie, istituti di ricerca, rapporti, varie[modifica wikitesto]

  • Einsatzgruppen, ampliare la bibliografia
  • Operazione Reinhard, voce importante da rivedere in toto: asserzioni semplicistiche, imprecise, alcuni errori e con pochissime fonti (vedi anche discussione nella talk).........................................................se ne occupa Fcarbonara
  • Operazione Erntefest, ampliare...............................................................se ne occupa Fcarbonara
  • Soluzione finale della questione ebraica da sistemare paragrafo "Dibattito storiografico circa le origini della «soluzione finale»" che riporta una valutazione dello storico inglese Mark Roseman sulla Conferenza di Wannsee (vedi ampia discussione riportata nella talk della voce "Soluzione finale della questione ebraica" in cui le fonti storiografiche contestano tale visione)
  • Sonderkommando (lager), a cosa serve quel "lager"? eliminare dal titolo (discutere)
  • Marce della morte, "subite" dagli internati. Gli internati non "preferirono" ritornare in Germania da Auschwitz anziché attendere l'Armata Rossa... , una gaffe del proff. Claudio Moffa, accademico all'UniTE (qui dal minuto 41), se ne occupa Fcarbonara
  • Propaganda nella Germania nazista (ampliare con un paragrafo sulla "mistificazione" della propaganda nazista)
  • Piano Madagascar (ampliare con fonti)............................................................se ne occupa Fcarbonara
  • Fascismo e questione ebraica, ampliare con la richiesta nazista del «reinsediamento ebraico» e dei campi italiani di transito (per dove?) + testimonianze degli ebrei italiani sopravvissuti, (vedi anche copiosa biografia di Michele Sarfatti)
  • Direzione generale per la demografia e la razza (Demorazza), ampliare
  • Ghetto di Białystok + fonti sulla fine degli ebrei (e degli zingari Sinti deportati da Allenstein di cui in voce non si parla) a Treblinka, Majdanek e Auschwitz
  • Zyklon B + fonti
  • Processi secondari di Norimberga, assenza totale di fonti, controllare "tutti i numeri" riguardanti i processi, vedi anche qui
  • Processo di Belsen, condotto dalle forze di occupazione alleate, si tenne a Lüneburg in Germania nel 1945. Riguardò 45 ex uomini delle SS, donne e kapo dei campi di concentramento di Bergen-Belsen e Auschwitz (è conosciuto anche come il "Processo a Josef Kramer e ad altre 44 persone") + ampliare con importanti dichiarazioni fatte sullo sterminio da alcuni imputati.
  • Campo di sterminio di Malyj Trostenec, ampliare
  • Camera a gas, ampliare e fontare la seconda parte delle voce riguardante le camere a gas naziste nei centri di sterminio.
  • ...

Approfondimenti, ricerca e fonti[modifica wikitesto]

  • Quello del proff. Jan Markiewicz, direttore dell'Istituto forense di Cracovia, che rifà i test sulle camere a gas screditate nel Rapporto Leuchter usato dal "negazionismo tecnico".

Fonti[modifica wikitesto]

...(work in progress)

Lo sterminio : un fatto storico![modifica wikitesto]

In questa sezione riportiamo tutte le prove documentate da verbali e affidavit nei processi di Norimberga, Francoforte, Cracovia, Dachau, Monaco, Düsseldorf, Hagen, Kiev, Gerusalemme...., di registrazioni audio e video, di diari, di documenti in Archivi di Stato, incluse testimonianze di SS e personaggi di primissimo piano della "nomenklatura" nazista e infine di autorevoli storici (trascurando momentaneamente le migliaia di testimonianze di sopravvissuti e tutti i "sentito dire" riportati anche da personaggi affidabili).

Dichiarazioni, confessioni e testimonianze rese dalle SS su un preciso piano nazista riguardante lo sterminio degli ebrei d'Europa[modifica wikitesto]

  • Heinrich Himmler, Reichsführer-SS [il massimo grado delle SS (Schutzstaffel)]. Il principale esecutore degli ordini di Hitler riguardanti lo sterminio degli ebrei d'Europa.
  • Nei due discorsi di Posen (oggi Poznan), le cui registrazioni audio e le trascrizioni originali sono giunte fino a noi rappresentano i primi documenti nei quali importanti funzionari del governo nazionalsocialista parlano apertamente della cosiddetta "soluzione finale della questione ebraica" esplicitando il reale significato del termine ovvero: lo sterminio fisico del popolo ebraico.:

1° discorso : 4 ottobre 1943 - Himmler si rivolge a una platea selezionata di 92 generali appartenenti alle SS. Il discorso affronta diversi temi e dimostra anche come il regime nazista voleva, progettava e stava attuando l'olocausto
2° discorso : 6 ottobre 1943 - discorso rivolto a un pubblico di Reichsleiter, Gauleiter e altri importanti autorità politiche del partito nazionalsocialista. Anche in questo discorso come per il primo, fra altri argomenti, è esplicitato chiaramente che l'olocausto era in corso
5 altri discorsi (Himmler ne tenne in totale 132) tenuti il: 16 dicembre 1943, 26 gennaio 1944, 5 maggio 1944, 24 maggio 1944 e il 21 giugno 1944, Himmler parla chiaramente di sterminio e di uccisioni di donne e bambini ebrei

Himmler - Primo discorso di Posen - 4 ottobre 1943


Himmler’s Posen Speech - “Extermination” (October 4, 1943) The following is Nizkor's transcript of approximately five minutes of a speech by Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler to a group of SS Gruppenführer, on October 4, 1943, in the city of Posen, in what is now Poland. This English translation is principally the work of Stephane Bruchfeld, Gordon McFee and Dr. Ulrich Rössler. They and our other translators have spent dozens of emails discussing the merits and demerits of alternative phrasings and word choices, to arrive at what we believe is the finest possible translation of these crucial paragraphs. Below is the text of the speech. Ellipses (“...”) represent pauses, not omitted text; the text as shown here is complete. Nizkor's comments regarding Himmler's mode of speaking are in [bracketed italics]. One sentence before the section concerning the Jews is provided, to “set the stage” -- it concerns an unrelated economic matter.

What we accomplish in our armaments factories ... even though it will only be at the end of the war when we can first assess it -- prove it ... will be a remarkable and noteworthy accomplishment. [pause] I want to also mention a very difficult subject ... before you, with complete candor. It should be discussed amongst us, yet nevertheless, we will never speak about it in public. Just as we did not hesitate on June 30 to carry out our duty as ordered, and stand comrades who had failed against the wall and shoot them -- about which we have never spoken, and never will speak. That was, thank God, a kind of tact natural to us, a foregone conclusion of that tact, that we have never conversed about it amongst ourselves, never spoken about it, everyone ... shuddered, and everyone was clear that the next time, he would do the same thing again, if it were commanded and necessary. I am talking about the evacuation of the Jews, the extermination of the Jewish people[1]. It is one of those things that is easily said. [quickly] “The Jewish people is being exterminated[2],” every Party member will tell you, “perfectly clear, it's part of our plans, we're eliminating the Jews, exterminating[2] them, a small matter”. [less quickly] And then along they all come, all the 80 million upright Germans, and each one has his decent Jew. [mockingly] They say: all the others are swine, but here is a first-class Jew. [a few people laugh] And ... [audience cough] [carefully] ... none of them has seen it, has endured it. Most of you will know what it means when 100 bodies lie together, when 500 are there or when there are 1000. And ... to have seen this through and -- with the exception of human weakness -- to have remained decent, has made us hard and is a page of glory never mentioned and never to be mentioned. Because we know how difficult things would be, if today in every city during the bomb attacks, the burdens of war and the privations, we still had Jews as secret saboteurs, agitators and instigators. We would probably be at the same stage as 16/17, if the Jews still resided in the body of the German people. We have taken away the riches that they had, and ... I have given a strict order, which Obergruppenführer Pohl[3] has carried out, we have delivered these riches [carefully] to the Reich, to the State. We have taken nothing from them for ourselves. A few, who have offended against this, will be judged[4] in accordance with an order, [loudly] that I gave at the beginning: he who takes even one Mark of this is a dead man. [less loudly] A number of SS men have offended against this order. They are very few, and they will be dead men [yells] WITHOUT MERCY! We have the moral right, we had the duty to our people to do it, to kill[5] this people who would kill[5] us. We however do not have the right to enrich ourselves with even one fur, with one Mark, with one cigarette, with one watch, with anything. That we do not have. Because we don't want, at the end of all this, to get sick and die from the same bacillus that we have exterminated[2]. I will never see it happen that even one ... bit of putrefaction comes in contact with us, or takes root in us. On the contrary, where it might try to take root, we will burn it out together. But altogether we can say: [slowly, carefully] We have carried out this most difficult task for the love of our people. And we have suffered no defect within us, in our soul, or in our character.

Notes: 1. The word translated as “people” is “Volk.” It is similar to English “people” in the sense of “a people,” having the connotations of a race, a nation, a populace. There is, however, no perfect single-word translation. Every occurrence of the word “people” in this text is a translation of “Volk” (and vice versa). 2. “Ausrotten.” 3. In postwar trial testimony, Pohl claimed that it was at this speech that he received his “first official notification” that the Final Solution was to be extermination. 4. Himmler never actually got around to saying the verb, “judged,” in this sentence. The German verb would have appeared at the end of the clause; halfway through, he either lost his train of thought or decided deliberately to change the sentence's grammatical structure. 5. “Umbringen.”

Source: The Nizkor Project

Primo discorso di Posen 4 ottobre 1943: f1) Yad Vashem, f2) Progetto Nizkor su Jewish Library f3) Holocaust History

  • Documents on the Holocaust, Selected Sources on the Destruction of the Jews of Germany and Austria, Poland and the Soviet Union, Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, 1981, Document no.161. pp. 344-345
  • Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler Geheimreden, Speech index, p. 268–277 f.
  • Richard Breitman: Heinrich Himmler. Der Architekt der „Endlösung“. Pendo Verlag, Zürich et al 2000
Himmler: Secondo discorso di Posen - 6 ottobre 1943

Dann leitet Himmler "in diesem allerengsten Kreise" zur "Judenfrage" über, die er als „die schwerste Frage meines Lebens“ bezeichnet: Ich bitte Sie, das, was ich Ihnen in diesem Kreise sage, wirklich nur zu hören und nie darüber zu sprechen. Es trat an uns die Frage heran: Wie ist es mit den Frauen und Kindern? – Ich habe mich entschlossen, auch hier eine ganz klare Lösung zu finden. Ich hielt mich nämlich nicht für berechtigt, die Männer auszurotten – sprich also, umzubringen oder umbringen zu lassen – und die Rächer in Gestalt der Kinder für unsere Söhne und Enkel groß werden zu lassen. Es mußte der schwere Entschluß gefaßt werden, dieses Volk von der Erde verschwinden zu lassen. Für die Organisation, die den Auftrag durchführen mußte, war es der schwerste, den wir bisher hatten. […] Ich habe mich für verpflichtet gehalten, zu Ihnen als den obersten Willensträgern, als den obersten Würdenträgern der Partei, dieses politischen Ordens, dieses politischen Instruments des Führers, auch über diese Frage einmal ganz offen zu sprechen und zu sagen, wie es gewesen ist. – Die Judenfrage in den von uns besetzten Ländern wird bis Ende dieses Jahres erledigt sein. Es werden nur Restbestände von einzelnen Juden übrig bleiben, die untergeschlüpft sind. Erneut rechtfertigte Himmler den Holocaust mit den Luftangriffen der Alliierten. Er zeigt sich überzeugt, „dass wir den Bombenkrieg, die Belastungen des vierten und vielleicht kommenden fünften und sechsten Kriegsjahres nicht ausgehalten hätten und nicht aushalten würden, wenn wir diese Pest noch in unserem Volkskörper hätten.

  • Da de wiki: Discorsi di Posen

Fonti:

  • Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 169/170.
  • Zitiert nach Peter Longerich: Heinrich Himmler – Biographie. Siedler, München 2008, S. 710
Himmler: "Altri discorsi" in cui si asserisce lo sterminio in atto degli ebrei d'Europa: 16 dicembre 1943, 26 gennaio 1944, 5 maggio 1944, 24 maggio 1944 e il 21 giugno 1944

Aussagen über die "totale Lösung der Judenfrage" in fünf weiteren Geheimreden Himmlers bestätigen seine Posener Ausführungen. Am 16. Dezember 1943 sagte er in Weimar vor Befehlshabern der Kriegsmarine [30]:
[…] so habe ich grundsätzlich den Befehl gegeben, auch die Weiber und Kinder dieser Partisanen und Kommissare umbringen zu lassen. Ich wäre ein Schwächling und ein Verbrecher an unseren Nachkommen, wenn ich die haßerfüllten Söhne dieser von uns im Kampfe von Mensch gegen Untermensch erledigten Untermenschen groß werden ließe.

Eine handschriftliche Notiz von Himmlers Rede am 26. Januar 1944 in Posen vor Generälen der kämpfenden Truppe lautet [31]:
Im G.G. [Generalgouvernement] größte Beruhigung seit Lösung d. Judenfrage. – Rassenkampf. Totale Lösung. Nicht Rächer f. unsere Kinder erstehen lassen.

Am 5. Mai 1944 erklärte Himmler in Sonthofen vor Generälen, ein Durchhalten im Bombenkrieg sei nur möglich gewesen, weil zuvor die Juden in Deutschland "ausgeschieden" worden seien. Dann paraphrasierte er Hitlers Ausspruch vom 30. Januar 1939 vor dem Großdeutschen Reichstag: "Wenn ihr noch einmal die europäischen Völker in einen Krieg gegeneinander hetzt, dann wird das nicht die Ausrottung des deutschen Volkes bedeuten, sondern die Ausrottung der Juden." Er fuhr fort:[32]

"Die Judenfrage ist in Deutschland und im allgemeinen in den von Deutschland besetzten Gebieten gelöst. […] Sie mögen mir nachfühlen, wie schwer die Erfüllung dieses mir gegebenen soldatischen Befehls war, den ich befolgt und durchgeführt habe aus Gehorsam und aus vollster Überzeugung. Wenn Sie sagen: ‚Bei Männern sehen wir das ein, nicht aber bei Kindern’, dann darf ich an das erinnern, was ich in meinen ersten Ausführungen sagte. […] Wir sind m. E. auch als Deutsche bei allen so tief aus unserer aller Herzen kommenden Gemütsregungen nicht berechtigt, die haßerfüllten Rächer groß werden zu lassen, damit dann unsere Kinder und unsere Enkel sich mit denen auseinandersetzen müssen, weil wir, die Väter und Großväter, zu schwach und zu feige waren und ihnen das überließen."

Die Tonaufnahme einer weiteren Sonthofener Rede vor Generälen am 24. Mai 1944 lässt Applaus bei folgender Passage hören:[33] "Eine andere Frage, die maßgeblich für die innere Sicherheit des Reiches und Europas war, ist die Judenfrage gewesen. Sie wurde nach Befehl und verstandesmäßiger Erkenntnis kompromißlos gelöst [Applaus]. […] Ich habe mich nicht für berechtigt gehalten – das betrifft nämlich die jüdischen Frauen und Kinder –, in den Kindern die Rächer groß werden zu lassen […] Das hätte ich für feige gehalten. Folglich wurde die Frage kompromißlos gelöst. Zur Zeit allerdings – es ist eigenartig in diesem Krieg – führen wir zunächst 100.000, später noch einmal 100.000 männliche Juden aus Ungarn in Konzentrationslager ein, mit denen wir unterirdische Fabriken bauen. Von denen aber kommt nicht einer irgendwie in das Gesichtsfeld des deutschen Volkes."

Am 21. Juni 1944 sagt Himmler bei der weltanschaulich-politischen Schulung der Generalität[34] in Sonthofen:[35]

„Es war die furchtbarste Aufgabe und der furchtbarste Auftrag, den eine Organisation bekommen konnte: der Auftrag, die Judenfrage zu lösen. Ich darf dies auch in diesem Kreis wieder in aller Offenheit mit ein paar Sätzen sagen. Es ist gut, dass wir die Härte hatten, die Juden in unserem Bereich auszurotten.“

Ebenfalls in Posen hielt Himmler am 3. August 1944, kurz nach dem fehlgeschlagenen Attentat vom 20. Juli 1944, eine Rede vor den Reichs- und Gauleitern der NSDAP.[36]

  • Da de wiwi : Discorsi di Posen
  • Fonti

[30] Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 201
[31] Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 201
[32] Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 202
[33] Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 203
[34] Peter Longerich: Der ungeschriebene Befehl S. 191
[35] Smith, Peterson: Heinrich Himmler, S. 203
[36] Institut für Zeitgeschichte: Volltext der Rede (mit einem Vorwort von Theodor Eschenburg) (vedi voce originale)

Himmler: Giudizio degli storici sui suoi discorsi, da Raul Hilberg a Saul Friedländer
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Himmler: Cosa affermò in relazione all' Aktion 14f13 scrivendo ai comandanti dei campi di concentramento in una lettera circolare del 12 novembre 1941

«"Come già comunicato per lettera ai comandanti dei campi di concentramento di Dachau, Sachsenausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen e Auschwitz, nei prossimi giorni giungerà nei suddetti campi una commissione medica con il compito di selezionare i detenuti. Per i campi di concentramento di Flossenburg, Gross Rosen, Neuengamme e Niederhagen l'arrivo della commissione è previsto per la prima metà del gennaio 1942. Poiché i medici disponibili sono molto impegnati, il lavoro di verifica nei campi di concentramento dovrà essere il più breve possibile. Concluse le verifiche dovrà essere inviata all'ispettore dei campi una relazione con la comunicazione del numero di detenuti selezionati per il trattamento speciale 14F13"»

    • Fonte: lettera circolare del 12 novembre 1941 di Himmler ai comandanti dei cdc (vedi qui)
Considerazioni sulla valenza storica dei discorsi di Himmler e prove che smontano il tentativo fantasioso e bizzarro (e senza fonte) dei negazionisti di negarlo, mistificarlo o edulcorarlo (tipo: gli alleati taroccarono il primo discorso registrato di Himmler usando un loro imitatore per quando Himmler in quel discorso asseriva che lo sterminio degli ebrei era in corso...)
p.e. Archivi Federali di Coblenza e scoperta del secondo discorso (work in progress)


  • Adolf Eichmann SS-Obersturmbannführer, responsabile di una sezione del RSHA, uno dei maggiori responsabili operativi dello sterminio degli ebrei nella Germania nazista.
    • Al processo di Gerusalemme, nonostante non rinnegò l'ideologia nazista, alla domanda postagli dal presidente della corte Moshe Landau, riguardo a cosa si fosse realmente discusso nel corso della Conferenza di Wannsee, Eichmann:
    • affermò: «Si parlò di uccisioni, di eliminazione e di sterminio [...]».
Processo ad Adolf Eichmann - Gerusalemme - Sessione 107 (parte 2 di 6) - Eichmann risponde alle domande del presidente della corte Moshe Landau che chiede quali furono gli argomenti trattati alla conferenza di Wannsee
    • Q. Now, in connection with the Wannsee record of proceedings - in connection with the Wannsee Conference - you replied to my colleague, Judge Raveh, that in the part not referred to in the record, methods of killing were talked about.

A. Yes.

Q. Who spoke about this topic there?

A. Today, I no longer have any detailed recollection of this matter, Your Honour, but I know that these gentlemen stood together and sat together, and in very blunt words they referred to the matter, without putting it down in writing. I would definitely not be able to remember this, if I did not know that at that time I said to myself: Look at that...Stuckart, who was always considered to be a very precise and very particular stickler for the law, and here the whole tone and all the manner of speech were totally out of keeping with legal language. That is the only thing, I would say, which has actually remained imprinted on my mind.

Q. What did he say about this topic?

A. In detail, Your Honour, I would like...

Q. Not in detail - in general.

A. There was talk about killing and eliminating and exterminating. I myself had in fact to make my preparations for drawing up the record - I could not stand there and just listen - but the words did reach me...got through to me because the room was not, in fact, such a big one that one could not catch single words from the flood of words...

Q. I thought this was in the official part of the meeting?

A. The official part - that did not last very long, that was the...

Q. Was this in the official part or not? I thought it was in the official part, because it appears in the record and...

A. It was also in the official part, Your Honour, but the official part, if you like, in turn consisted of two parts - that is to say, the beginning, where everyone kept quiet and had to listen, and then near the end, where everyone spoke about the matter all at once, and where the whole time the orderlies kept serving cognac or other drinks, and it got to the stage of alcoholic influence...all I mean is that, although it was an official matter, but still, it was not a stiff official matter, where everyone is quiet and everyone lets all the others have their say to the end, but at the end everyone spoke all at once.

Q. But this was also taken down by the male or the female stenographer?

A. Taken down by the male stenographer.

Q. And apparently you were instructed not to include that in the official record of proceedings?

A. Yes, that was the case. The shorthand-typist sat next to me, and I had to ensure that everything was recorded. And after that the shorthand-typist typed this up, and then Heydrich decided what should and what should not be included in the record. And then he, so to speak, polished it further, and then it was ready, this record of proceedings.

Q. And what was said about this important topic, you have no recollection at all of this?

A. Your Honour, this is not the most important point. What is the most important point in the record...

Q. Excuse me, I did not say the most important point, I said "an important topic" - so important that it was then left out.

A. No, on the contrary, Your Honour, Heydrich wanted to make sure that the main points were worked into the record. So it is in fact precisely the other way round. The essential points are in the record, and the non-essential points were then left out by him, because here, so to say - how shall I put it - he created a form of reinsurance, by pinning down the State Secretaries separately.

Q. Does that mean, then, that the methods of killing were an unimportant topic?

A. Oh, the methods of killing?

Q. That is what we are talking about.

A. He did not include those, no, no.

Q. At that time was there talk of killing by gas?

A. No, not by gas.

Q. Then how?

A. There was a discussion about the engine business. I remember that, shooting. About gas I did not know anything, I cannot remember.

Q. There was a discussion of the various methods of possible solutions, and on that District Leader Meyer and State Secretary Dr. Buehler expressed the opinion "that some preparatory work in the course of the Final Solution should be carried out immediately in the relevant areas, but in so doing any alarming of the population should be avoided." Do you remember that?

A. I am sorry, I did not understand that.

Q. If you did not understand, I shall read it out to you again.

A. Yes.

Q. What kind of operations were discussed here? What was the intention?

A. I cannot imagine anything else here, and that I...

Q. Not imagine, I am still asking you, as the Attorney General also asked you all along, "What can you remember?" This was a turning point here, was it not?

A. I had previously seen the preparatory work in the Lublin district, I...where two huts were hermetically sealed, during my...

Q. We have already heard this. I want to know what happened at this conference, what was said about this at that time.

A. Today, I no longer remember, but I am sure that this matter was discussed. Where it says, "on the spot, without alarming the population," I cannot imagine the intention being anything else other than such installations, which I had seen shortly before that time.

Q. Did you at that time report at this meeting on what you had seen?

A. I did not say anything whatsoever at the Wannsee Conference. I simply could not, neither did I have any authority to do so.

Q. Who reported on these technical questions?

A. Actually no one reported. Heydrich spoke, and then everyone spoke together; it is possible that - it is possible, but I do not know, that Buehler perhaps said something, and Krueger will definitely also have spoken here, because Krueger, as the Higher Police Leader for the Generalgouvernement, he was in fact to some extent the head of the entire business, on the spot. Globocnik was in fact subordinate to Krueger, so, as his boss, Krueger must definitely have known about this in detail.

Q. But Krueger, according to the list of participants, did not take part in the Wannsee Conference.

A. But he had previously already been to see Heydrich, and arranged Buehler's participation. And then Heydrich had a lengthy discussion with Krueger; as a result of this I had to send special letters of invitation to Krueger and Buehler.

Q. Now, you have told us that you do not see yourself as an anti-Semite, and also were never an anti-Semite.

A. I was never an anti-Semite, no.

Q. You will agree with me that at first sight this would appear to be a paradox - a convinced National Socialist who is not simultaneously a convinced anti-Semite.

A. It appears to be, but not necessarily.

Q. I saw in your memoirs that you write that you "devotedly gobbled up the Voelkischer Beobachter newspaper, as you put it.

A. Yes.

Q. Is it correct that the Voelkischer Beobachter was full of anti-Semitic propaganda?

A. Yes, that is correct.

Q. So you did not gobble this up devotedly?

A. The Voelkischer Beobachter was first and foremost the largest newspaper we had, and it reported in detail on political and overall current world events.

Q. So you read it as a source of information?

A. I, in fact, received it by virtue of my office and read it as such.

Q. In your memoirs, you speak about the time before you joined the National Socialist Workers' Party.

A. At that time I read it in coffee houses.

Q. What was your attitude, then, to that which you read in it ?

A. During the so-called period of struggle ("Kampfzeit"), I did not only read the Voelkischer Beobachter, I also read the other National Socialist newspapers, and in them read, above all, things about the terror exercised against the SS and the SA. .

Q. Just a moment, I thought you had understood my question. The question was about the anti-Semitic material which was printed in such large quantities in the Voelkischer Beobachter. What was your attitude to that?

A. In Austria this was probably the least-read material, just as the principles of the Party program were hardly read at all, because in Austria it was a question of matters other than these. They were intended for the national student organizations, yes, that I admit, but the normal professional scarcely bothered about these things. I, in fact, was one of them, after all, I was not a member of a student organization.

Q. What was of concern to you, as you, I believe, said, was the economic plight which was triggered by the Treaty of Versailles. That is roughly what you said.

A. Economic and national plight.

Q. Yes.

A. In addition, there was the fact that I did not become acquainted with anti-Semitism through my parental home.

Q. If I am not mistaken, National Socialist propaganda connected the economic plight with World Jewry.

A. Yes.

Q. What was your attitude to this part of the National Socialist propaganda?

A. Basically, for the man in the street the deep roots and - the cause - was in fact the least important aspect - it was - this period of unemployment, this was the most important thing.

Q. I do not consider you to be the man in the street.

A. At that time I was working professionally, for the Vacuum Oil Company, and I had hardly concerned myself with - let us say with intellectual values, except for...the only thing was when I came home on Saturdays and Sundays, in the coffee house - the reading material in the coffee house - but nothing else. I had no time for this.

Q. You were 25, 26 years old, when you joined the Party?

A. Yes.

Q. We have heard from you that you are someone who likes to think things over - at that time was this not the case?

A. At that time, when I was travelling repeatedly, I hardly concerned myself at all with all these things. I pursued my...my private interests, which were neither literature nor similar intellectual matters.

Q. Did you know of those sections of the Party platform which concern Jews - concern the Jewish Question - before you joined the Party?

A. Before I joined the Party, practically nobody at all, scarcely anyone concerned himself with this.

Q. Not "scarcely anyone." Do not tell me now about "anyone." We are talking here about Adolf Eichmann. Were you familiar with this, "yes" or "no"?

A. No, because I was to some extent received into the Party against my expectations, and also without making up my mind. It went so quickly and so suddenly that I...in fact, I knew nothing at all about it beforehand. I was, in fact, a candidate some time before that.

Q. But you did know that Hitler was an extreme anti-Semite?

A. Yes, I knew that.

Q. Already at that time?

A. Everyone knew that.

Q. And that the Nazi Party was built on the Fuehrer principle, I suppose you knew that as well?

A. Everyone knew that as well, yes.

Q. When you were already a member of the Party, in 1935, the Nuremberg Laws were passed?

A. Yes.

Q. The trend of these laws was to remove the Jews from the German national body?

A. Yes.

Q. What was your attitude to this legislation?

A. My attitude at that time was like that of many people - the bark is worse than the bite. That is the briefest way of putting the thought that I could come up with.

Q. In other words, that Hitler did not intend to implement this legislation which was passed by the Reichstag according to his ideas.

A. At that time, like many people who had grown up in Austria, I tended to think that things would not all be implemented along the propaganda lines, and as things are reported; rather, I thought, the bark is worse than the bite. That was the general point of view of everyone then living in Austria, and in fact, at that time, I had just come from Austria.

Q. But in 1934 you were already in Germany?

A. Yes, in 1934 I was in Germany.


  • Kurt Franz, SS-Untersturmführer, feroce e crudele comandante del campo di sterminio di Treblinka
  • Dichiarazione sugli ebrei sterminati a Treblinka
Cosa disse Kurt Franz - tre dichiarazioni


  • Cosa disse1: «Non posso sapere quanti ebrei siano stati gassati a Treblinka. In media ogni giorno arrivava un treno. Spesso due. Ma non era così comune. A Treblinka ero comandante delle guardie ucraine così come al campo di Bełżec. A Treblinka, così come a Bełżec, questo gruppo consisteva in 16/18 uomini il cui compito consisteva nell'equipaggiare le torrette di protezione del campo. Dopo la sommossa dell'agosto del 1943 presi in mano la situazione per circa un mese, ma non ci furono gasamenti. È stato in quel periodo che il campo è stato smantellato»
  • Fonte : Processo di Treblinka dichiarazione riportata da The Free Press, New York nel 1988 - anche HEART
  • Cosa disse2: I heard with my own ears how Wirth, in a quite convincing voice, explained to the Jews that they would be deported further and before that, for hygienic reasons, they must bathe themselves and their clothes would have to be disinfected. Inside the undressing barrack was a counter for the deposit of valuables. It was made clear to the Jews that after the bath their valuables would be returned to them. I can still hear, until today, how the Jews applauded Wirth after his speech. This behaviour of the Jews convinces me that the Jews believed Wirth
  • Fonte : Processo di Belzec dichiarazione riportata su HEART (qui)
  • Cosa disse3: It was midsummer or early autumn 1942 when I arrived at Treblinka from Belzec. I left Malkinia station on foot and it was already dark by the time I reached Treblinka. In the camp there were bodies lying everywhere. I seemed to recall that they were all swollen. These bodies were dragged through the camp to the upper section by Jews. The working Jews were forced to keep moving by the Ukrainian guards, also by the Germans. I also saw them being beaten, what they were beaten with I can no longer say.There was tremendous confusion and a horrible din. That evening I went walking around the camp. During my walk I established that some of the guard squads were with girls and had put down their rifles. Then, as far as I could, I established order.I reported to Wirth in the dining room, as I remember Wirth, Stangl, and Oberhauser were there. The next day very early in the morning I looked round the camp, I could no longer see any bodies lying around. At about 9.00am, it could have been somewhat later, a transport arrived. When I got there, the men were already standing naked in the so-called reception yard.
  • Fonte: Processo di Treblinka dichiarazione riportata su (HEART)


  • Georg Konrad Morgen - Integerrimo giudice nazista appartenente alle SS e assegnato al ReichsKriminalPolizeiAmt (RKPA) per indagare sui crimini finanziari nei campi di sterminio e concentramento nazisti
  • Testimone (al Processo di Norimberga) sullo sterminio in corso nei campi visitati e su una delle camere a gas da lui "visitata" a Birkenau.
Dichiarazioni del giudice nazista Georg Konrad Morgen a Norimberga

Konrad Morgen was born on the 8 June 1908 in Frankfurt –am – Main, the son of a railroad worker. He chose a career in the legal profession and graduated from the University of Frankfurt and The Hague Academy of International Law, and became a judge in Stettin. He was posted to the Hauptamt SS- Gericht (the main office of the legal department) in Krakow and was responsible for investigating cases of corruption, his tenacity in prosecuting the course of justice earned him the nickname "The Bloodhound Judge". After a disagreement with Freidrich Wilhelm Kruger – Higher SS and Police Leader East he was posted to the front-line to serve in the SS Wiking Division, but in 1943 he was re-assigned to the ReichsKriminalPolizeiAmt (RKPA) to investigate financial crimes, and was now an Oberstrurmfuhrer. In July 1943 Morgen investigated alleged corruption and irregularities at the Buchenwald Concentration camp in Weimar. Karl Otto Koch the commandant was investigated, as was his wife Ilse, and Koch was found guilty and executed by the SS on the 26 April 1945. Also in the summer of 1943 Morgen and a team of Kriminalpolizei officers were sent from Berlin to Lublin, following information sent by Johannes Muller, commander of the Sicherheitspolizei in Lublin, who had heard of a Jewish wedding at a camp attended by over 1,000 guests, including members of the SS. Morgen’s enquiries led him to a camp – described to him in Lublin as “impenetrable and mysterious” – this camp was the death camp at Sobibor where he found Wirth. To his astonishment, Wirth admitted responsibility for the Jewish wedding at the death camp. Morgen asked what all these Jews and the SS unit were doing there at Sobibor, anyway. Wirth then disclosed to Morgen that on the orders of the Fuhrer he was carrying out the extermination of the Jews. Morgen, nonplussed asked “what this had to do with the Jewish wedding?” Wirth then explained to Morgen the huge deception operation he had organised in the three Aktion Reinhard death camps where Jewish workers were employed in the extermination and seizure of their property. Wirth further explained that he had “given them every freedom, so to speak, given them a financial share in the exploitation of the victims.” In this way he had allowed the Jewish wedding to take place. At first Morgen thought Wirth’s story of mass –extermination in the death camps to be pure fantasy, until he went to the “Alter Flugplatz” camp near Majdanek and discovered that not only was this the depot where the victims personal belongings were sent from Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka death camps, but also Wirth’s headquarters. Morgen recalled: “It was a camp which held the belongings, or a part of the belongings of the victims. Because of the extent of this – there were unheard of piles of watches stacked up there – I had to realise that something monstrous was going on here. I was also shown the valuables; I can say that I have never seen so much gold, especially foreign gold. I saw all kinds of money from all over the world collected together, as well as melted-down gold, whole ingots of gold. I also saw the headquarters from where Wirth directed his operations; it was very small and inconspicuous. He actually had only three or four people with him. I also talked to them." At Wirth’s Inspector of Aktion Reinhard Camps headquarters, Morgen also observed the T4 couriers arriving and departing: “These couriers actually came from Berlin, Tiergartenstrasse 4, the Fuhrer’s Chancellery, and returned there. I examined Wirth’s correspondence and confirmed a great deal.” Morgen also carried out investigations of corruption at Majdanek where commandant Florstedt was found guilty of corruption and he was executed by the SS on the 15 April 1945 at Buchenwald concentration camp. Hermann Hackmann was also found guilty, and sentenced to serve in an SS penal unit. By the second half of 1943 Morgen went to Auschwitz concentration camp to investigate corruption. He headed a commission consisting of Obersturmfuhrer Reimers, Hauptsturmfuhrer Bartsch and Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr Fischer. Konrad Morgen describes his visit: “What triggered my investigation was an Army postal packet sent back home from Auschwitz and the customs had opened this packet and found there were one or two kilos of gold in it. And it was dental gold and then nobody could work out how this dentist had got hold of so much gold and I was supposed to go down there and find out what was behind it. One morning very early I arrived by train and was very curious to see what sort of place it was and somehow or other you had the feeling that a place where such incredible ghastly things were happening on such a huge scale that it would somehow exude a frightful aura, that there would be something peculiar about it. But no, there it was, a perfectly ordinary, grey, miserable, dirty industrial town. It was all perfectly normal, you didn’t see anything of the concentration camp either. I was picked up in the commandant’s car, and a few minutes later found myself face to face with Commandant Hoss…. I explained my business to him and asked him to show me, the whole concentration camp including the extermination machinery. Then he gave me a chap to guide me round and we made a very thorough tour.” Morgen recalled visiting the gas chambers and the SS living quarters: “The crematoriums weren’t really noticeable. The ground was hollowed on an incline, and an outsider would only see that the wagons disappeared into a depression in the ground. A big door led to the so-called undressing room, where there were numbered places and cloakroom tickets. Arrows on the wall pointed to the showers. The signs were in six or seven languages. In the enormous crematorium everything was spick and span. Nothing suggested that thousands of people had been gassed and burned the previous night. Nothing was left of them, not even a speck of dust on the oven fittings. I wanted to meet the SS people and went to the SS guardroom in Birkenau. There I got my first real shock. While guardrooms were generally of Spartan simplicity, here SS men lay on couches and dozed, staring ahead glassy-eyed. Instead of a desk there was a hotel kitchen stove in the room and four or five young Jewesses of Oriental beauty were making potato pancakes and feeding the SS men, who had themselves waited on like pashas. The SS men and the female prisoners used the familiar form, “Du” with one another. At my horrified questioning look, my escort simply shrugged his shoulders and said that the men had a hard night behind them, they had to process several transports. At a final locker check, it turned out in a few lockers, a wealth of gold, pearls rings, and currency of all countries was piled up. In one or two lockers there were genitals of freshly slaughtered bulls, which were supposed to enhance potency. I had never seen anything like it.” Evidence of theft by SS men were deposited in a barracks which burnt down on the 7 December 1943, so all the evidence was destroyed. Maximillian Grabner director of the Political Department in Auschwitz was arrested by Dr Morgen accused of killing 2,000 prisoners “beyond the general guidelines.” Grabner’s was tried by an SS court in Weimar but was never concluded but he was tried and sentenced to death by the Supreme War Tribunal in Krakow in 1947. Morgen carried out investigations into corruption at other camps such as Sachsenhausen, Flossenberg, Vught, Dachau and Plaszow, and the list of major SS men investigated is as follows: xxxxxxx (tabella) xxxxxx After the war he appeared as a witness at the trial of major war criminals in front of the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, at the trial of the SS WVHA functionaries, and at the Auschwitz trial in Frankfurt –am – Main in 1965. Konrad Morgen died on the 4 February 1982.


  • Paul Blobel, ufficiale delle SS con il grado di Standartenführer e membro dell'SD, comandante dell'Einsatzgruppe C
  • Norimberga 18 giugno 1947 rilascia un affidavit in cui parla dei suoi crimini e dell'ordine ricevuto di far sparire tutte le prove.
Affidavit di Paul Blobel rilasciato a Norimberga il 18 giugno 1947


I, Paul Blobel, swear, declare and state in evidence:

1. I was born in Potsdam on August 13, 1894. From June 1941 to January 1942, I was the Commander of Sonderkommando 4 A.

2. After I had been released from this command, I was to report in Berlin to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Heydrich and Gruppenfuehrer Mueller, and in June 1942 I was entrusted by Gruppenfuehrer Mueller with the task of obliterating the traces of executions carried out by the Einsatzgruppen in the East. My orders were that I should report in person to the commanders of the Security Police and SD, pass on Mueller's orders verbally, and supervise their implementation. This order was top secret and Gruppenfuehrer Mueller had given orders that owing to the need for strictest secrecy there was to be no correspondence in connection with this task. In September 1942 I reported to Dr. Thomas in Kiev and passed the order on to him. The order could not be carried out immediately, partly because Dr. Thomas was disinclined to carry it out, and also because the materials required for the burning of the bodies were not available. In May and June 1943 I made additional trips to Kiev in this matter and then, after conversations with Dr. Thomas and with SS and Police Leader Hennecke, the order was carried out.

3. During my visit in August I myself observed the burning of bodies in a mass grave near Kiev. This grave was about 55 m. long, 3 m. wide and 2½ m. deep. After the top had been removed the bodies were covered with inflammable material and ignited. It took about two days until the grave burned down to the bottom. I myself observed that the fire had glowed down to the bottom. After that the grave was filled in and the traces were now practically obliterated.

4. Owing to the moving up of the front-line it was not possible to destroy the mass graves further south and east which had resulted from executions by the Einsatzgruppen. I traveled to Berlin in this connection to report, and was then sent to Estonia by Gruppenfuehrer Mueller. I passed on the same orders to Oberfuehrer Achammer-Pierader in Riga, and also to Obergruppenfuehrer Jeckeln. I returned to Berlin in order to obtain fuel. The burning of the bodies began only in May or June 1944. I remember that incinerations took place in the area of Riga and Reval. I was present at such incinerations near Reval, but the graves were smaller here and contained only about 20 to 30 bodies. The graves in the area of Reval were about 20 or 30 kms. east of the city in a marshy district and I think that 4 or 5 such graves were opened and the bodies burned.

5. According to my orders I should have extended my duties over the entire area occupied by the Einsatzgruppen, but owing to the retreat from Russia I could not carry out my orders completely....

I have made this disposition of my own free will, without any kind of promise of reward, and I was not subjected to any form of compulsion or threat.

Nuremberg, June 18, 1947 signed Paul Blobel NO-3947.


  • Kurt Gerstein, ufficiale delle Waffen-SS e membro dell'Istituto d'Igiene delle SS.
    • rilascia un affidavit in cui ammette i suoi crimini e l'ordine (top secret) ricevuto di far sparire le prove (della prima parte parte dell'Olocausto) ad opera degli innumerevoli eccidi commessi dalle Einsatzgruppen
Affifavit: Il campo di Belzec nel Rapporto di Kurt Gerstein

«Riportiamo un lungo passo del resoconto steso da Gerstein in data 26 aprile 1945 (a guerra non ancora finita) e da lui consegnato agli Alleati il 5 maggio, al momento della sua cattura. Dopo la stesura del rapporto, Gerstein fu interrogato da ufficiali francesi il 26 giugno e il 10 luglio 1945, e in quelle sedi confermò le proprie affermazioni, senza smentire nulla. Originariamente, il rapporto che presentiamo fu scritto in un francese zoppicante e incerto. Gerstein stesso, pertanto, stese più tardi altri due resoconti in lingua tedesca. La scena narrata va collocata intorno al 20 agosto 1942. Gerstein era accompagnato da un altro tecnico che lavorava per le SS, il prof. Pfannenstiel, docente di igiene dell’università di Margburg-Lahn».

Due giorni dopo partimmo per Belzec. Una piccola stazione speciale di due sole banchine è addossata alla collina di sabbia gialla, subito a nord della strada Lublino-Lwow. A sud, vicino alla scarpata, qualche casa di servizio e il cartello: Ufficio Belzec: delle Waffen-SS. Globocnik mi presentò all’SS-Hauptsturmführer Obermayer [errore di Gerstein; il nome corretto era Oberhauser – n.d.r.], di Pirmasens, che mi mostrò con molta reticenza le istallazioni. Quel giorno non si videro morti, ma un odore pestilenziale ammorbava tutta la zona. Di fianco alla stazione c’era una grande baracca vestiario con uno sportello valori. Più lontano una sala, con un centinaio di sedie, parrucchiere. Quindi un corridoio scoperto di 150 metri, chiuso ai due lati da filo spinato, con la scritta: Ai bagni e alle inalazioni. Davanti a noi un edificio tipo stabilimento per bagni; a destra e a sinistra, grandi vasi con gerani e altri fiori. Sul tetto, la stella di David in ottone. Sull’edificio la scritta: Fondazione Hackenholt. Quel pomeriggio non scoprii altro. L’indomani mattina, dieci minuti prima delle sette, mi fu annunciato: <<Tra dieci minuti arriverà il primo treno!>>. E infatti, poco tempo dopo, arrivava un treno da Lemberg, 45 vagoni contenenti più di 6000 persone, 1450 già morte al loro arrivo. Dietro al filo spinato dei finestrini, visi atterriti di bambini e ragazzi, di donne e uomini. Il treno si ferma: 200 ucraini incaricati di questo servizio tirano via le portiere e con fruste di cuoio cacciano gli ebrei fuori dalle vetture. Un altoparlante dà le istruzioni: togliersi tutti i vestiti nonché le protesi dentarie e gli occhiali. Appaiare le scarpe con pezzetti di spago distribuiti da un bambino ebreo. Consegnare tutti i valori, tutto il denaro allo sportello valori senza riceverne un cenno, una ricevuta. Le donne e le ragazze, farsi tagliare i capelli nella baracca del parrucchiere (un SS-Unterführer di servizio mi disse: <<Servono per fare qualche cosa di particolare per gli equipaggi dei sottomarini>>). Poi la marcia cominciò: a destra e a sinistra il filo spinato, dietro due dozzine di ucraini, fucile alla mano. Si avvicinano. Io e Wirth ci ritroviamo davanti alle camere della morte. Passano uomini, donne, ragazze, bambini di ogni età, mutilati, tutti completamente nudi. In un angolo, un robusto SS dice ai disgraziati con una gran voce paterna: <<Non vi succederà niente di male! Bisogna solo respirare molto profondo, fortifica i polmoni questa inalazione, è un mezzo per evitare le malattie contagiose, è una bella disinfezione!>>. Gli domandavano quale sarebbe stata la loro sorte. Quello rispondeva: <<Gli uomini dovranno lavorare, costruire delle strade ferrate e delle case. Ma le donne non vi saranno obbligate; si occuperanno del mènage, della cucina>>. Per qualcuno di questi disgraziati si accendeva un’ultima piccola speranza, sufficiente perché andassero avanti senza resistenza verso le camere della morte. Ma la maggior parte di essi sa: il puzzo è inconfondibile! Ora salgono su per una scaletta di legno ed entrano nelle camere della morte, più senza dire una parola, sospinti dagli altri che vengono dietro di loro. Un’ebrea di circa quarant’anni, gli occhi come due fiamme, maledice gli assassini, ne riceve qualche frustata da parte dello stesso capitano Wirth e scompare nella camera a gas. Molti recitano le loro preghiere; altri chiedono: <<Chi è che ci darà dell’acqua per la morte?>> (rito israelita). […] Delle SS spingono gli uomini nelle camere a gas: <<Riempirle bene>>, ha ordinato Wirth: 700-800 su 93 metri quadrati. Le porte vengono chiuse. Nel frattempo, il resto del carico resta nudo in attesa. Qualcuno mi dice: <<Nudi così, pieno inverno possono morirne!>>. <<Ma non sono qui per questo?>> era la risposta. In quel momento comprendo la ragione della scritta: Hackenholt è il fuochista della diesel i cui gas di scappamento sono destinati a uccidere quei disgraziati. L’SS-Unterscharführer Hackenholt si sforza di mettere in marcia il motore. Ma niente! Arriva il capitano Wirth. Lo si vede bene, egli ha paura perché io assisto al disastro. Sì, io vedo tutto e aspetto. Il mio cronometro stop ha segnato tutto, 50 minuti, 70 minuti, la diesel non si mette in moto! Gli uomini aspettano invano nelle camere a gas. Si sentono piangere <<come nella sinagoga>>, dice il professor Pfannenstiel, l’occhio fisso al finestrino che si apre sulla porta di legno. Il capitano Wirth, furioso, vibra qualche scudisciata all’ucraino che è l’aiutante di Hackenholt. Dopo 2 ore e 49 minuti – il mio orologio ha registrato tutto – la diesel si mette in moto. Fino a quel momento le vittime, nelle quattro camere a gas già stipate, ancora vivono, quattro volte 750 persone in quattro volte 45 metri cubi! Passano altri 25 minuti. Molti sono già morti: è quanto s’intravede dal finestrino quando un lampo di elettricità rischiara per un momento l’interno della camera. Dopo 28 minuti pochi sopravvivono ancora. Dopo 32 minuti, tutti infine sono morti. Dall’altro lato alcuni addetti ebrei aprono le porte di legno. E’ stata promessa loro – per il loro terribile servizio – salva la vita, e una piccola percentuale dei valori e del denaro requisito. Come colonne di basalto, le vittime sono ancora là, ritte in piedi, non essendoci il ben che minimo spazio per cadere o piegarsi. Nella morte stessa, si riconoscono ancora le famiglie che si stringono per mano. Si dura fatica a separarli svuotando le stanze per il carico successivo, si gettano via i corpi bluastri, umidi di sudore e di orina, le gambe piene di sterco e di sangue mestruale. Due dozzine di inservienti si occupano di controllare le bocche, aprendole con dei ganci di ferro. <<Oro a sinistra, niente oro a destra!>>. Altri controllano gli ani e gli organi genitali cercando monete, diamanti, oro ecc. Alcuni dentisti strappano con dei martelletti denti d’oro, ponti, corone. In mezzo a loro c’è il capitano Wirth. E’ nel suo elemento e, mostrandomi un grande barattolo pieno di denti, mi dice: <<Vedete voi stesso che quantitativo d’oro! E’ solamente di ieri e dell’altro ieri. Voi non immaginate che cosa troviamo ogni giorno tra dollari, diamanti, oro! Vedrete voi stesso!>>. Mi guidò da un gioielliere che aveva la responsabilità di tutti questi valori. Mi furono presentati anche uno dei direttori del grande magazzino Kufhaus des Westens e un ometto al quale si faceva suonare il violino: i capi dei commandos dei lavoratori ebrei. <<E’ un capitano dell’armata imperiale austriaca, cavaliere della croce di ferro tedesca!>> mi disse Wirth. Fonte:

  • Saul Friedländer, L’ambiguità del bene. Il caso del nazista pentito Kurt Gerstein, Milano, Bruno Mondadori, pp. 73-75. Traduzione di M. T. Lanza
  • Trascrizione : qui


  • Otto Ohlendorf, SS-Gruppenführer (tenente generale), responsabile dei massacri ad opera delle Einsatzgruppen-D
    • testimonianza a Norimberga il 3 gennaio 1946
    • Cosa disse rispondendo alle domande del Tribunale Militare Internazionale:
Otto Ohlendorf - testimonianza del 3 gennaio 1946 a Norimberga

COLONEL JOHN HARLAN AMEN (Associate Trial Counsel for the United States): May it please the Tribunal, I wish to call as a witness for the Prosecution, Mr. Otto Ohlendorf ...
[Witness Otto Ohlendorf took the stand]
THE PRESIDENT: Otto Ohlendorf, will you repeat this oath after me" "I swear by God the Almighty and Omniscient that I will speak the pure truth and will withhold and add nothing."
[The witness repeated the oath]
COL. AMEN: Will you try to speak slowly and pause between each question and answer.
OTTO OHLENDORF: Yes.
COL. AMEN: Where were you born?
OHLENDORF: In Hohen-Egelsen.
COL. AMEN: How old are you?
OHLENDORF: Thirty-eight years old.
COL. AMEN: When, if ever, did you become a member of the National Socialist Party?
OHLENDORF: 1925.
COL. AMEN: When, if ever, did you become a member of the SA?
OHLENDORF: For the first time in 1926.
COL. AMEN: When, if ever, did you become a member of the SS?
OHLENDORF: I must correct my answer to the previous question. I thought you were asking about my membership in the SS.
COL. AMEN: When did you become a member of the SA?
OHLENDORF: In the year 1925.
COL. AMEN: When, if ever, did you join the SD?
OHLENDORF: In 1936.
COL. AMEN: What was your last position in the SD?
OHLENDORF: Chief of Amt III in the RSHA....
COL. AMEN: Did you tell us for what period of time you continued as chief of Amt III?
OHLENDORF: I was part-time chief of Amt III from 1939 to 1945.
COL. AMEN: Turning now to the designation "Mobile Units" with the army shown in the lower right hand corner of the chaart, please explain to the Tribunal the significance of the terms "Einsatzgruppe" and "Einsatzkommando."
OHLENDORF: The concept "Einsatzgruppe" was established after an agreement between the chiefs of the RSHA, OKW, AND OKH, on the seperate use of Sipo units in the operational areas. The concept of "Einsatzgruppe" first appeared during the Polish campaign.
The agreement with the OKH and OKW however, was arrived at only before the beginning of the Russian campaign. This agreement specified that a representative of the chief of the Sipo and the SD would be assigned to the army groups, or armies, and that this official would have at his disposal mobile units of the Sipo and the SD in the form of an Einsatzgruppe, subdivided into Einsatzkommandos. The Einsatzkommandos would, on orders from the army group or army, be assigned to the individual army units as needed.
COL. AMEN: State, if you know, whether prior to the campaign against Soviet Russia, any agreement was entered into between the OKW, OKH, and RHSA?
OHLENDORF: Yes, the Einsatzgruppen and Einsatzkommandos, as I have just described them, were used on the basis of a written agreement between the OKW, OKH, and RHSA.
COL. AMEN: How do you know that there was such a written agreement?
OHLENDORF: I was repeatedly present during the negotiations which Albrecht and Schellenberg conducted with the OKH and OKW; and I also had a written copy of this agreement which was the outcome of these negotiations, in my own hands when I took over the Einsatzgruppe.
COL. AMEN: Explain to the Tribunal who Schellenberg was. What position, if any, did he occupy?
OHLENDORF: Schellenberg was, at the end, chief of Amt VI in the RHSA; at the time when he was conducting as the representative of Heydrich, he nelonged to the Amt VI.
COL. AMEN: On approximately what date did these negotiations take place?
OHLENDORF: The negotiations lasted several weeks. The agreement must have been reached one or two weeks before the beginning of the campaign.
COL. AMEN: Did you yourself ever see a copy of this written agreement?
OHLENDORF: Yes!
COL. AMEN: Did you ever have occasion to work with this written agreement?
OHLENDORF: Yes!
COL. AMEN: On more than one occasion?
OHLENDORF: Yes; in all questions arising out of the relationship between the Einsatzgruppen and the army.
COL. AMEN: Do you know where the original or any copy of that agreement is located today?
OHLENDORF: No.
COL. AMEN: To the best of your knowledge and recollection, please explain to the Tribunal the entire substance of this written agreement.
OHLENDORF: First of all, the agreement stated that Einsatzgruppen and Einsatzkommandos would be set up and used in the operational areas. This created a precedent, because until that time the army had, on its own responsibility, discharged the tasks which would now fall soley to the Sipo. The second was the regulations as to competence.
COL. AMEN: You're going too fast. What is it that you say the Einsatzkommandos did under the agreement?
OHLENDORF: I said this was the relationship between the army and the Einsatzgruppen and the Einsatzkommandos. The agreement specified that the army groups or armies would be responsible for the movement and the supply of Einsatzgruppen, but that instructions for their activities would come from the chief of Sipo and the SD.
COL. AMEN: Let us understand. It is correct that an Einsatz group was to be attached to each army group or army?
OHLENDORF: Every army group was to have an Einsatzgruppe attached to it. The army group in its turn would then attach the Einsatzkommandos to th armies of the army group.
COL. AMEN: And was the army command to determine the area within which the Einsatz group was to operate?
OHLENDORF: The operational area of the Einsatzgruppe was already determined by the fact that it was attached to a specific army group and therefore moved with it, whereas the operational areas of the Einsatzkommandos were fixed by the army group or army.
COL. AMEN: Did the agreement also provide that the army command was to direct the time during which they were to operate?
OHLENDORF: That was included under the heading "movement."
COL. AMEN: And, also, to direct any additional tasks that they were to operate?
OHLENDORF: Yes. Even though the chiefs of Sipo and SD had the right to issue instructions to them on their work, there existed a general agreement that the army was also entitled to issue orders to the Einsatzgruppen if the operational situation made it necessary.
COL. AMEN: What did the agreement provide with respect to the attachment of the Einsatz group command to this army command?
OHLENDORF: I can't remember whether anything specific was contained in the agreement about that. At any rate a liason man between the army command and the SD was appointed.
COL. AMEN: Do you recall any other provisions of this written agreement?
OHLENDORF: I believe I can state the main contents of that agreement.
COL. AMEN: What position did you occupy with respect to this agreement?
OHLENDORF: From June 1941 to the death of Heydrich in June 1942, I led Einsatzgruppe D, and was the representative of the chief of the Sipo and the SD with the 11th Army.
COL. AMEN: And when was Heydrich's death?
OHLENDORF: Heydrich was wounded at the end of May 1942, and died on 4 June 1942.
COL. AMEN: How much advance notice, if any, did you have of the campaign against Soviet Russia?
OHLENDORF: About four weeks.
COL. AMEN: How many Einsatz groups were there, and who were their respective leaders?
OHLENDORF: There were four Einsatzgruppen, Groups A, B, C, and D. Chief of Einsatzgruppe A was Stahlecker; chief of Einsatzgruppe B was Nebe; chief of Einsatzgruppe C, Dr. Rasche, and later, Dr.Thomas; chief of Einsatzgruppe D I myself, and later Bierkamp.
COL. AMEN: To which army was Group D attached?
OHLENDORF: Group D was not attached to any army group but was attached directly to the 11th Army.
COL. AMEN: Where did Group D operate?
OHLENDORF: Group D operated in the southern Ukraine.
COL. AMEN: Will you describe in more detail the nature and extent of the area in which Group D originally operated, naming the cities or territories?
OHLENDORF: The northernmost city was Cernauti; then southward through Mohilev-Podolsk, Yampol, then eastward Zuvalje, Czervind, Melitopol, Mariopol, Taganrog, Rostov, and the Crimea.
COL. AMEN: What was the ultimate objective of Group D?
OHLENDORF: Group D was held in reserve for the Caucasus, for an army group which was to operate in the Caucasus. COL. AMEN: When did Grooup D commence to move into Soviet Russia?
OHLENDORF: Group D left Duegen on 21 June and reached Pietra Namsk in Romania in three days. There the first Einsatzkommandos were already being demanded by the army, and they immediately set off for the destinations named by the army. The entire Einsatzgruppe was put into operation at the beginning of July.
COL. AMEN: You are referring to the 11th Army?
OHLENDORF: Yes.
COL. AMEN: In what respects, if any, were the official duties of the Einsatz groups concerned with Jews and Communist commissars?
OHLENDORF: The instructions were that in the Russian operational areas of the Einsatzgruppen the Jews, as well as the Soviet political commissars, were to be liquidated.
COL. AMEN: And when you say "liquidated" do you mean "killed"?
OHLENDORF: Yes, I mean "killed".
COL. AMEN: Prior to the opening of the Soviet campaign, did you attend a conference at Pretz?
OHLENDORF: Yes, it was a conference at which the Einsatzgruppen and the Einsatzkommandos were informed of their tasks and were given the necessary orders.
COL. AMEN: Who was present at that conference?
OHLENDORF: The cjiefs of the Einsatzgruppen and the commanders of the Einsatzkommandos and Streckenbach of the RHSA who transmitted the orders of Heydrich and Himmler.
COL. AMEN: What were those orders?
OHLENDORF: Those were the general orders of the normal work of the Sipo and the SD, and in addition the liquidation order which I have already mentioned.
COL. AMEN: And that conference took place on approximately what date?
OHLENDORF: About three or four days before the mission.
COL. AMEN: So that before you commenced to march into Soviet Russia you received orders at this conference to exterminate the Jews and Communist functionaries in addition to the regular professional work of the Security Police and SD; is that correct?
OHLENDORF: Yes.
COL. AMEN: Did you, personally, have any conversation with Himmler respecting any communication from Himmler to the chiefs of army groups and armies concerning this mission?
OHLENDORF: Yes. Himmler told me that before the beginning of the Russian campaign Hitler had spoken of this mission to a conference of the army groups and the army chiefs - no, not the army chiefs but the commanding generals - and had instructed the commanding generals to provide the necessary support.
COL. AMEN: So that you can testify that the chiefs of the army groups and the armies had been similarly informed of these orders for the liquidation of the Jews and Soviet functionaries?
OHLENDORF: I don't think it is quite correct to put it in that form. They had no orders for liquidation; the order for the liquidation was given to Himmler to carry out, but since this liquidation took place in the operational area of the army group or the armies, they had to be ordered to provide support. Moreover, without such instructions to the army, the activities of the Einsatzgruppen would not have been possible.
COL. AMEN: Did you have any other conversation with Himmler concerning this order?
OHLENDORF: Yes, in late summer of 1941 Himmler was in Nikolaiev. He assembled the leaders and men of the Einsatzkommanos, repeated to them the liquidation order, and pointed out that the leaders and men who were taking part in the liquidation bore no personal responsibility for the execution of this order. The responsibility was his, alone, and the Führer's.
COL. AMEN: And you yourself heard that said?
OHLENDORF: Yes.
COL. AMEN: Do you know whether this mission of the Einsatz group was known to the army group commanders?
OHLENDORF: This order and the execution of these orders were known to the commanding general of the army.
COL. AMEN: How do you know that?
OHLENDORF: Through conferences with the army and through instructions that were given by the army on the execution of the order.
COL. AMEN: Was the mission of the Einsatz groups and the agreement between OKW, OKH, and RSHA known to the other leaders in the RSHA? OHLENDORF: At least some of them knew it, since some of the leaders were also active in the Einsatzgruppen and Einsatzkommandos in the course of time. Furthermore, the leaders who were dealing with the organization and legal aspects of the Einsatzgruppen also knew of it. COL. AMEN: Most of the leaders came from the RSHA, did they not? OHLENDORF: Which leaders? COL. AMEN: Of the Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: No, one can't say that. The leaders of in the Einsatzgruppen and Einsatzkommandos came from all over the Reich. COL. AMEN: Do you know whether the mission and the agreement were known to Kaltenbrunner? OHLENDORF: After his assumption of office Kaltenbrunner had to deal with these questions and consequently must have known details of the Einsatzgruppen which were offices of his. COL. AMEN: Who was the commanding officer of the 11th Army? OHLENDORF: At first, Riter von Schober; later Von Manstein. COL. AMEN: Will you tell the Tribunal in what way or ways the command officer of the 11th Army directed or supervised Einsatz Group D in carrying out its liquidation activities? OHLENDORF: An order from the 11th Army was sent to Nikolaiev that liquidations were to take place only at a distance of not less than two hundred kilometeres from the headquarters of the commanding general. COL. AMEN: Do you recall any other occasions? OHLENDORF: In Simferopol the army command requested the Einsatzkommandos in its area to hasten liquidations, because famine was threatening and there was a great housing shortage. COL. AMEN: Do you know how many persons were liquidated by Einsatz Group D under your command? OHLENDORF: In the year between June 1941 to June 1942 the Einsatzkommandos reported ninety thousand people liquidated. COL. AMEN: Did that include men, women, and children? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: On what do you base those figures? OHLENDORF: On reports sent by the Einsatzkommandos to the Einsatzgruppen. COL. AMEN: Were those reports submitted to you? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: And you saw them and read them? OHLENDORF: I beg your pardon? COL. AMEN: And you saw and read those reports personally? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: And it is on those reports that you base the figures you have given the Tribunal? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: Do you know how those figures compare with the number of persons liquidated by other Einsatzgruppen? OHLENDORF: The figures which I saw of other Einsatzgruppen are considerably larger. COL. AMEN: That was due to what factor? OHLENDORF: I believe that to a large extent the figures submitted by the other Einsatzgruppen were exaggerated. COL. AMEN: Did you see reports of liquidations from the other Einsatz units from time to time? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: And those reports showed liquidations exceeding those of Group D; is that correct? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: Did you personally supervise mass executions of these individuals? OHLENDORF: I was present at two mass executions for purposes of inspection. COL. AMEN: Will you explain in detail to the Tribunal how an individual mass execution was carried out? OHLENDORF: A local Einsatzkommando attempted to collect all the Jews in its area by registering them. This registration was performed by the jews themselves. COL. AMEN: On what pretext, if any, were they rounded up? OHLENDORF: On the pretext that they were to be resettled. COL. AMEN: Will you continue? OHLENDORF: After the registration the Jews were collected at one place; and from there they were later transported to the place of execution, which was, as a rule, an antitank ditch or a natural excavation. The executions were carried out in a military manner, bu firing squads under command. COL. AMEN: In what way were they transported to the place of execution? OHLENDORF: They were transported to the place of execution in trucks, always only as many as could be executed immediately. In this way it was attempted to keep the span of time from the moment in which the victims knew what was about to happen to them until the time of their actual execution as short as possible. COL. AMEN: Was that your idea? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. AMEN: And after they were shot what was done with the bodies? OHLENDORF: The bodies were buried in the antitank ditch or excavation. COL. AMEN: What determination, if any, was made as to whether the persons were actually dead? OHLENDORF: The unit leaders or the firing-squad commanders had orders to see to this and, if need be, finish them off themselves. COL. AMEN: And who would do that? OHLENDORF: Either the unit leader himself or somebody designated by him. COL. AMEN: In what positions were the victims shot? OHLENDORF: Standing or kneeling. COL. AMEN: What was done with the personal property of the persons executed? OHLENDORF: All valuables were confiscated at the time of the registration or the rounding up and handed over to the Finance Ministry, either through the RSHA or directly. At first the clothing was given to the population, but in the winter of 1941-42 it was collected and disposed of by the NSV. COL. AMEN: All their personal property was registered at that time? OHLENDORF: No, not all of it, only valuables were registered. COL. AMEN: What happened to the garments which the victims were wearing when they went to the place of execution? OHLENDORF: They were obliged to take off their outer garments immediately before the execution. COL. AMEN: All of them? OHLENDORF: The outer garments, yes. COL. AMEN: How about the rest of the garments they were wearing? OHLENDORF: The other garments remained on the bodies. COL. AMEN: Was that true of not only your group but of the other Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: That was the order in my Einsatzgruppe. I don't know how it was done in other Einsatzgruppen. COL. AMEN: In what way did they handle it. OHLENDORF: Some of the unit leaders did not carry out liquidations in the military manner, but killed the victims singly by shooting them in the back of the neck. COL. AMEN: And you objected to that procedure? OHLENDORF: I was against that procedure, yes. COL. AMEN: For what reason? OHLENDORF: Because, both for the victims and for those who carried out the executions, it was, psychologically, an immense burden to bear. COL. AMEN: Now, what was done with the property collected from the Einsatzkommandos from these victims? OHLENDORF: All valuables were sent to Berlin, to the RSHA or to the Reich Ministy of Finance. The articles which could not be used in the operational area, were disposed of there. COL. AMEN: For exemple, what happened to gold and silver taken from the victims? OHLENDORF: That was, as I have just said, turned over to Berlin, to the Reich Ministry of Finance. COL. AMEN: How do you know that? OHLENDORF: I can remember that it was actually handled in that way from Simferopol. COL. AMEN: How about watches, for example, taken from the victims? OHLENDORF: At the request of the army, watches were made available to the forces at the front. COL. AMEN: Were all victims, including the men, women, and children executed in the same manner? OHLENDORF: Until the spring of 1942, yes. Then an order came from Himmler that in the future women and children were to be killed only in gas vans. COL. AMEN: How had women and children been killed previously? OHLENDORF: In the same was as the men - by shooting. COL. AMEN: What, if anything, was done about burying the victims after they had been executed? OHLENDORF: The kommandos filled the graves to efface the signs of execution, and then labor units of the population leveled them. COL. AMEN: Referring to the gas vans that you said you received in the spring of 1942, what order did you receive in respect to the use of these vans? OHLENDORF: These vans were in the future to be used for killing of women and children. COL. AMEN: Will you explain to the Tribunal the construction of these vans and their appearance? OHLENDORF: The actual purpose of these vans could not be seen from the outside. They looked like closed trucks, and were so constructed that at the start of the motor, gas was conducted into the van causing death in ten to fifteen minutes. COL. AMEN: Explain in detail just how one of these vans was used for an execution. OHLENDORF: The vans were loaded with the victims and driven to the place of burial, which was usually the same as that used for the mass executions. The time needed for transportation was sufficient to insure the death of the victims. COL. AMEN: How were the victims induced to enter the vans? OHLENDORF: They were told that they were to be transported to another locality. COL. AMEN: How was the gas turned on? OHLENDORF: I am not familiar with technical details. COL. AMEN: How long did it take to kill the victims ordinarily? OHLENDORF: About ten to fifteen minutes; the victims were not conscious of what was happening to them. COL. AMEN: How many people could be killed simultaneously? OHLENDORF: About fifteen to twenty-five persons. The vans varied in size. COL. AMEN: Did you revceive reports from those persons operating the vans from time to time? OHLENDORF: I didn't understand the question. COL. AMEN: Did you receive reports from those who were working on the vans? OHLENDORF: I received the report that the Einsatzkommandos did not willingly use the vans. COL. AMEN: Why not? OHLENDORF: Because the burial of the victims was a great ordeal for the members of the Einsatzkommandos. COL. AMEN: Now, will you tell the Tribunal who furnished these vans to the Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: The gas vans did not belong to the motor pool of the Einsatzgruppen but were assigned to the Einsatzgruppe as a special unit, headed by the man who had constructed the vans. The vans were assigned to the Einsatzgruppen by the RSHA. COL. AMEN: Were the vans supplied to all of the different Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: I am not certain. I know only in the case of Einsatzgruppe D, and indirectly that Einsatzgruppe C also made use of these vans... COL. AMEN: ...Referring to your previous testimony, will you explain to the Tribunal why you believe that the type of execution ordered by you, namely, military, was preferable to the shooting-in-the-neck procedure adopted by the other Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: On the one hand, the aim was that the individual leaders and men should be able to carry out the executions in a military manner acting on orders and should not have to make a decision of their own; it was, to all intents and purposes, an order which they were to carry out. On the other hand, it was known to me that through the emotional excitement of the executions ill treatment could not be avoided, since the victims discovered too soon that they were to be executed and could not therefore endure prolonged servous strain. And it seemed intolerable to me that individual leaders and men should in consequence be forced to kill a large number of people on their own decision. COL. AMEN: In what manner did you determine which were the Jews to be executed? OHLENDORF: That was not part of my task; but the identification of the Jews was carried out by the Jews themselves, since the registration was handled by a Jewish Council of Elders. COL. AMEN: Did the amount of Jewish blood have anything to do with it? OHLENDORF: I can't remember the details, but I believe that half-Jews were also considered as Jews. COL. AMEN: What organization furnished most off the officer personnel of the Einsatz groups and Einsatzkommandos? OHLENDORF: I did not understand the question. COL. AMEN: What organization furnished most of the officer personnel of the Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: The officer personnel was furnished by the State Police, the Kripo, and, to a lesser extent by the SD. COL. AMEN: Kripo? OHLENDORF: Yes, the State Police, the Criminal Police and, to a lesser extent, the SD. COL. AMEN: Were there any other sources of personnel? OHLENDORF: Yes, most of the men by the Waffen SS and the Ordnungspolizie. The State Police and the Kripo furnished most of the experts and the troops were firnished by the Waffen SS and the Ordungspolzei. COL. AMEN: How about the Waffen SS. OHLENDORF: The Waffen SS and the Ordungspolzei were each supposed to supply the Einsatzgruppen with one company. COL. AMEN: How about the Order Police. OHLENDORF: The Ordnungspolzei also furnished the Einsatzgruppen with one company. COL. AMEN: What was the size of Einsatz Group D and its operating area as compared with other Einsatz groups? OHLENDORF: I estimate that Einsatzgruppen D was one-half or two-thirds as large as the other Einsatzgruppen. That changed in the course of time since some of the Einsatzgruppen were greatly enlarged. COL. AMEN: May it please the Tribunal, relating to organizational matters which I think would clarify some of the evidence which has already been in part received by the Tribunal. But I don't want to take the time of the Tribunal unless they feel that they want any more such testimony. I thought perhaps if any members of the Tribunal had any questions they would ask the witness directly because he is the best informed on these organizational matters of anyone who will be presented in court... THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Amen, the Tribunal does not think that it is necessary to go further into the organizational questions at this stage, but it is a matter that must be really decided by you because you know what nature of the evidence which you are considering is. So far as the Tribunal is concerned, they are satified at the present stage to leave the matter where it stands, but there is one aspect of the witness's evidence which the Tribunal would like you to investigate, and that is whether the practices by which he has been speaking continued after 1942, and for how long. COL. AMEN: [To the witness] Can you state whether the liquidation practices that you have described continued after 1942 and, if so, for how long a period oftime thereafter? OHLENDORF: I don't think that the basic order was ever revoked. But I cannot remember the details- at least not with regard to Russia - which would enable me to make concrete statements on this subject. The retreat began very shortly thereafter, so that the operational region of the Einsatzgruppen became ever smaller. I do know, however, that other Einsatzgruppen with similiar orders had been envisaged for other areas. COL. AMEN: Your personal knowledge extends up to what date? OHLENDORF: I know that the liquidation of Jews was prohibited about six months before the end of the war. I also saw a document terminating the liquidation of Soviet commissary but I cannot recall a specific date. COL. AMEN: Do you know whether in fact it was so terminated? OHLENDORF: Yes, I believe so. THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal would like to know the number of men in your Einsatz group. OHLENDORF: There were about five hundredmen in my Einsatzgruppe, excluding those who were added to the goup as assistants from the country itself... COL. AMEN: May it please the Tribunal. The witness is now available to other counsel. I understand that Colonel Pokrovsky has some questions that he wished to ask on behalf of the Soviets. COLONEL Y. V. POKROVSKY (Deputy Chief Prosecutor for the USSR): The testimony of the witness is important for the clarification of questions in a report on which the Soviet delegation is at present working. Therefore, with the permission of the Tribunal, I would like to put a number of questions to the witness. [Turning to the witness] Witness, you said that you were present twice at a mass executions. On whose orders were you an inspector at the executions? OHLENDORF: I was present at the executions on my own iniative. COL. POKROVSKY: But you said you attended as inspector. OHLENDORF: I said that I attended for inspection purposes. COL. POKROVSKY: On your own initiative? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. POKROVSKY: Did one of your chiefs always attend the executions for purposes of inspection? OHLENDORF: Whenever possible I sent a member of the staff of the Einsatzgruppen towitness the executions but this was not always feasible since the Einsatzgruppen had to operate over great distances. COL. POKROVSKY: Why was some person sent for purposes of inspection? OHLENDORF: Would you please repeat the question? COL. POKROVSKY: For what purpose was an inspector sent? OHLENDORF: To determine whether or not my instructions regarding the manner of the execution were actually carried out. COL. POKROVSKY: Am I to understand that the inspector was to make certain that the execution had actually been carried out? OHLENDORF: No, it would not be correct to say that. He was to acertain whether the conditions which I had set for the execution were actually being carried out. COL. POKROVSKY: What manner of conditions had you in mind? OHLENDORF: One: exclusion of the public; two: military execution by a firing-squad; three: arrival of transports and carrying out of the liquidation in a smooth manner to avoid unnecessary excitment; four: supervision of the property to prevent looting. There may have been other details that I no longer remember. At any rate, all ill-treatment, whether pysical or mental, was to be prevented through these measures. COL. POKROVSKY: You wished to make sure that what you considered to be an equitable distribution of this property was effected, or did you aspire to complete acquisition of the valuables? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. POKROVSKY: You spoke of ill-treatment. What did you mean by ill-treatment at the executions? OHLENDORF: If, for instance, the manner in which the executions were carried out caused excitement and disobedience among the victims, so that the kommandos were forced to restore by means of violence. COL. POKROVSKY: What do you mean by "restore order by means of violence"? What do you mean by supression of the excitement amongst the victims by means of violence? OHLENDORF: If, as I have already said, in order to carry out the liquidation in an orderly fashion it was necessary, for example, to resort to beating. COL. POKROVSKY: Was it absolutely necessary to beat the victims? OHLENDORF: I myself never witnessed it, but I heard of it. COL. POKROVSKY: From whom? OHLENDORF: In conversations with members of other kommandos. COL. POKROVSKY: You said that cars, autocars, were used for the executions? OHLENDORF: Yes. COL. POKROVSKY: Do you know where, and with whose assistance, the inventor, Becker, was able to put his invention into practice? OHLENDORF: I remember only that it was done through Amt II of the RSHA; but I can no longer say that with certainty. COL. POKROVSKY: How many persons were executed in these cars? OHLENDORF: I did not understand the question. COL. POKROVSKY: How many persons were executed by means of these cars? OHLENDORF: I cannot give precise figures, but the number was comparatively small - perhaps a few hundred. COL. POKROVSKY: You said that mostly women and children were executed in these vans. For what reason? OHLENDORF: That was a special order from Himmler to the effect that women and children were not to be exposed to the mental strain of the executions; and thus the men of the kommandos, mostly married men, should not be compelled to aim at women and children. COL. POKROVSKY: Did anybody observe the behavior of the persons executed in these vans? OHLENDORF: Yes, the doctor. COL. POKROVSKY: Did you know that Becker had reported that death in these vans was particularly agonizing? OHLENDORF: No. I learned of Becker's reports for the first time from the letter to Rauff, which was shown to me here. On the contrary, I know from the doctor's reports that the victims were not conscious of their impending death. COL. POKROVSKY: Did any military units - I mean, army units - take part in these mass executions? OHLENDORF: As a rule, no. COL. POKROVSKY: And as an exception? OHLENDORF: I think I remember that in Nikolaiev and in Simferopol a spectator from the Army High Command was present for a short time. COL. POKROVSKY: For what purpose? OHLENDORF: I don't know, probably to obtain information personally. COL. POKROVSKY: Were military units assigned to carry out the executions in these towns? OHLENDORF: Officially, the army did not assign any units for this pupose; the army as such was actually opposed to the liquidations. COL. POKROVSKY: But in practice? OHLENDORF: Individual units occasionally volunteered. However, at the moment I know of no such case among the army itself, but only among units attached to the army (Heeresgefolge). COL. POKROVSKY: You were the man by whose orders people were sent to their death. Were Jews only handed over for execution by the Einsatzgruppe or were Communists - "Communist officials" you call them in your instructions - handed over for execution along with the Jews? OHLENDORF: Yes, activists and political commissars. Mere membership in the Communist Party was not sufficient to persecute or kill a man. COL. POKROVSKY: Were any special investigations made concerning the part played by persons in the Communist Party? OHLENDORF: No, I said on the contrary that mere membership of the Communist Party was not, in itself, a determining factor in persecuting or executing a man; he had to have a special political function. COL. POKROVSKY: Did you have any discussions on the murder vans sent from Berlin and on their use? OHLENDORF: I did not understand the question. COL. POKROVSKY: Had you occasion to discuss, with your chiefs and your collegues, the fact that motor vans had been sent to your own particular Einsatzgruppe from Berlin for carrying out the executions? Do you remember any such discussion? OHLENDORF: I do not remember any specific discussion. COL. POKROVSKY: Had you any information concerning the fact that members of the execution squad in charge of the executions were unwilling to use the vans? OHLENDORF: I knew that the Einsatzkommandos were using the vans. COL. POKROVSKY: No, I had something else in mind. I wanted to know whether you received reports that members of the execution squads were unwilling to use the vans and preferred other means of execution? OHLENDORF: That they would rather kill by means of the gas vans than by shooting? COL. POKROVSKY: On the contrary, that they preferred execution by shooting to killing by means of the gas vans. OHLENDORF: You have already said the gas van... COL. POKROVSKY: And why did they prefer execution by shooting to killing in the gas vans? OHLENDORF: Because, as I have already said, in the opinion of the leader of the Einsatzkommandos, the unloading of the corpses was an unnecessary mental strain. COL. POKROVSKY: What do you mean by "an unnecessary mental strain"? OHLENDORF: As far as I can remember the conditions at that time - the picture presented by the corpses and probably because certain functions of the body had taken place leaving the corpses lying in filth. COL. POKROVSKY: You mean to say that the sufferings endured prior to death were clearly visible on the victims? Did I understand you correctly? OHLENDORF: I don't understand the question; do you mean during the killing in the van? COL. POKROVSKY: Yes. OHLENDORF: I can only repeat what the doctor told me, that the victims were not conscious of their death in the van. COL. POKROVSKY: In that case, your reply to my previous question, that the unloading of the bodies made a very terrible impression on the members of the execution squad, becomes entirely incomprehensible. OHLENDORF: And, as I said, the terrible impression created by the position of corpses themselves, and probably by the state of the vans which had probably been dirtied and so on. COL. POKROVSKY: I have no further questions to put to this witness at the present stage of the trial... THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): In your testimony you said that the Einsatz group had the object of annihilating the Jews and the commissars, is that correct? OHLENDORF: Yes. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): And in what category did you consider the children? For what reason were the children massacred? OHLENDORF: The order was that the Jewish population should be totally exterminated. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Including the children? OHLENDORF: Yes. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Were all the Jewish children murdered? OHLENDORF: Yes. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): But the children of those whom you considered as belonging to the catagory of commissars, were they also killed? OHLENDORF: I am not aware that inquiries were ever made after the families of Soviet commmissars. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Did you send anywhere reports on the executions that the group carried out? OHLENDORF: Reports on the executions were regularly submitted to the RSHA. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): No, did you personally send any reports on the annihilation of thousands of people which you effected? Did you personally submit any report? OHLENDORF: The reports came from the Einsatzkommandos who carried out the actions, to the Einsatzgruppe and the Einsatzgruppe informed the RHSA. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Whom? OHLENDORF: The reports went to the chief of Sipo personally. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Personally? OHLENDORF: Yes, personally. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): What was the name of this police officer? Can you give his name? OHLENDORF: At that time, Heydrich. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): After Heydrich? OHLENDORF: I was no longer there then, but that was the standing order. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): I am asking you whether you continued to submit reports after Heydrich's death or not? OHLENDORF: After Heydrich's death I was no longer in the Einsatz, but the reports were, of course, continued. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Do you know whether the reports continued to be submitted after Heydrich's death or not? OHLENDORF: Yes. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Yes? OHLENDORF: No, the reports... THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): Was the order concerning the annihilation of the Soviet people in conformity with the policy of the German government or the Nazi Party or was it against it? Do you understand the question? OHLENDORF: Yes. One must distinguish here: the order for the liquidation came from the Führer of the Reich, and it was to be carried out by the Reichführer SS Himmler. THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): But was it in conformity with the policy conducted by the Nazi Party and the German government, or was it in contradiction to it? OHLENDORF: A policy amounts to a practice so that in this respect it was laid down by the Führer. If you were to ask whether this activity was in conformity with the idea of National Socialism, then I would say "no". THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Niktchenko): I am talking about the practice. THE PRESIDENT: I understood you to say that objects of value were taken from the Jewish victims by the Jewish Council of Elders? OHLENDORF: Yes. THE PRESIDENT: Did the Jewish Council of Elders settle who were to be killed? OHLENDORF: That was done in various ways. As far as I remember, the Council of Elders was given the order to collect valuables at the same time. THE PRESIDENT: So that the Jewish Council of Elders would not know whether or not they were to be killed? OHLENDORF: Yes... THE PRESIDENT: Now, a question concerning you personally. From whom did you receive your orders for the liquidation of the Jews and so forth? And in what form? OHLENDORF: My duty was not the task of liquidation, but I did head the staff which directed the Einsatzkommandos in the field, and the Einsatzkommandos themselves had already received this order in Berlin on the instructions of Streckenbach, Himmler, and Heydrich. This order was renewed by Himmler at Nikolaiev. HERR BABEL: You personally were not concerned with the execution of these orders? OHLENDORF: I led the Einsatzgruppe, and therefore I had the task of seeing how the Einsatzkommandos executed the orders received. HERR BABEL: But did you have no scruples in regard to the execution of these orders? OHLENDORF: Yes, of course. HERR BABEL: And how is it that they were carried out regardless of these scruples? OHLENDORF: Because to me it is inconceivable that a subordinate leader should not carry out orders given by the leaders of the state. HERR BABEL: This is your opinion. But this must have been not only your point of view but also the point of view of the majority of the people involved. Didn't some of the men appointed to execute these orders ask you to be relieved of such tasks? OHLENDORF: I cannot remember any one concrete case. I excluded some whom I did not consider emotionally suitable for executing these tasks and I sent some of them home. HERR BABEL: Was the legality of the orders explained to those people under false pretenses? OHLENDORF: I do not understand your question; since the order was issued by the superior authorities, the question of legality could not arise in the minds of these individuals, for they had sworn obedience to the people who had issued the orders. HERR BABEL: Could any individual expect to succeed in evading the execution of these orders? OHLENDORF: No, the result would have been a court martial with a corresponding sentence.


  • Johann Paul Kremer, obersturmführer delle SS nel campo di concentramento di Auschwitz
    • Sue deposizioni al Processo di Auschwitz (o primo processo di Auschwitz) a Cracovia, e Processo di Francoforte a Francoforte sul Meno (o secondo processo di Auschwitz)
    • Cosa disse in ambedue i processi nonostante condannato:
    • Fonti:


  • Dieter Wisliceny, capitano SS e importante collaboratore del colonnello Adolf Eichmann alla sezione "questioni ebraiche" della Gestapo.
  • Deposizione a Norimberga il 3 gennaio 1946 e relativo affidavit
  • Per la prima volta parla della «"soluzione finale" (Endlosung), [...] lo sterminio della razza ebraica ed anche delle altre razze considerate "inferiori"» e degli ordini ricevuti dal Reichsfuhrer-SS, Heinrich Himmler
Dieter Wisliceny capitano SS e importante collaboratore di Adolf Eichmann - Affidavit al Processo di Norimberga 3 gennaio 1046


COPY OF AFFIDAVIT C

[Affidavit of Dieter Wisliceny]

Source: Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume VIII. USGPO, Washington, 1946/pp.606-619.

[This affidavit is substantially the same as the testimony given by Wisliceny on direct examination before the International Military Tribunal at Nurnberg, 3 January 1946.]

I, Dieter Wisliceny, being duly sworn, declare:

1. I am 34 years old and have been a member of the NSDAP since 1933 and a member of the SS since July 1934. I have been Hauptsturmfuehrer SS since 1940. From 1934 to 1937, I was assigned in Berlin and from 1937 to 1940 in Danzig. From 1940 to September 1944, I was assigned as specialist on Jewish matters in Slovakia and my mission included service in Hungary and Greece. I have known Adolph Eichmann, the former Chief of AMT IV A 4 of the Reichsicherheitshauptamt (RSHA) well since 1934 in which year we joined the Sicherheitsdienst (SD). Our relationship was so close that we addressed each other with the intimate" Du". We served together from 1934 to 1937 in Berlin and maintained friendly relations from 1937 until 1940 when he was in Vienna and I was in Danzig. Eichmann's mission in Vienna was to direct the Central Office for Jewish Emigration and he later came to Berlin with the RSHA to take charge of AMT IV A 4 which was responsible for the solution of the Jewish question and for all church matters. At Eichmann's suggestion, I accepted an assignment as expert for AMT IV A 4 in Slovakia dealing solely with the Jewish question.

2. There were three distinct periods of activity affecting the Jews. The first period covered the time from 1937 when the Jewish Section was founded till 1940, during which the policy was to accelerate and compel Jewish emigration from Germany and Austria. Because of this, the Central Office for Jewish Emigration was founded in Vienna and later on a corresponding institution in Prague. After the victory over France, Madagascar was contemplated, but never used, as a site for the emigration. The second period during 1940 and 1941 covered the concentration of Jews in Poland and eastern territories, in Ghettos and concentration camps. The last period, from beginning 1942 to October 1944, covered the evacuation of Jews from all Germany and German controlled territories to concentration camps and their biological annihilation.

3. I first became interested in the number of Jews effected by measures taken through the RSHA when I met other specialists on Jewish matters in Eichmann's office in Berlin. It was customary for Eichmann to call the specialists in for a meeting at least once a year, usually in November. Meetings were hold in 1940, 1941, 1942 and 1943. I was present at all but the latter meeting. In these meetings each representative reported on conditions in his territory and Eichmann discussed the over-all picture. He particularly stressed total figures and the use of charts which included the number of Jews in different countries, their occupations, their age groups, and statements showing the portion of Jews to the total population of each country. These charts did not include the number of persons effected by evacuation and extermination activities since these figures were kept secret. However, from many discussions with Eichmann and specialists on the Jewish question, I learned the effects of the program of final solution in each of the countries concerned.

4. I was sent to Berlin in July or August 1942 in connection with the status of Jews from Slovakia, which mission is referred to more fully hereinafter. I was talking to Eichmann in his office in Berlin when he said that on written order of Himmler all Jews were to be exterminated. I requested to be shown the order. He took a file from the safe and showed me a top secret document with a red border, indicating immediate action. It was addressed jointly to the Chief of the Security Police and SD and to the Inspector of Concentration Camps. The letter read substantially as follows :

"The Fuehrer has decided that the final solution of the Jewish question is to start immediately. I designate the Chief of the Security Police and SD and the Inspector of Concentration Camps as responsible for the execution of this order. The particulars of the program are to be agreed upon by the Chief of the Security Police and SD and the Inspector of Concentration Camps. I am to be informed currently as to the execution of this order".

The order was signed by Himmler and was dated some time in April 1942. Eichmann told me that the words "final solution" meant the biological extermination of the Jewish race, but that for the time being able-bodied Jews were to be spared and employed in industry to meet current requirements. I was so much impressed with this document which gave Eichmann authority to kill millions of people that I said at the time : "May God forbid that our enemies should ever do anything similar to the German people". He replied : "Don't be sentimental-this is a Fuehrer order". I realized at that time. that the order was a death warrant for millions of people and that the power to execute this order was in Eichmann's hands subject to approval of Heydrich and later Kaltenbrunner. The program of extermination was already under way and continued until late 1944. There was no change in the program during Kaltenbrunner's administration.

5. After my meeting with Eichmann in July or August 1942, when I first learned of the Hitler order for final solution of the Jewish question by extermination, I became particularly interested in the number of persons effected and at every opportunity made notes on the basis of information from other countries. In 1943, my interest was further accentuated by requests for information from the Joint Distribution Committee and I thereafter took particular pains to collect all information available as to the number of Jews effected in other countries. In Budapest 1944 I conferred with Dr. Rudolf Kastner, representative of the Joint Distribution Committee, and compared with him information on numerous occasions particularly dealing with the total number of Jews effected. I was constantly in touch with Dr. Kastner after May 1944. I last saw him on 30 March 1945, in my apartment in Vienna.

6. On numerous occasions Eichmann told me that Jews had no value as except as laborers and that only 20-25 percent were able to work I was present in Budapest in June or July 1944 at a meeting between Eichmann and Hoess, Commandant of Auschwitz concentration camp, at which they talked specifically about the percentage of Hungarian Jews that would be strong enough for labor. On the basis of transports previously received at Auschwitz and the supply of Jews inspected by him in collection centers, Hoess stated that only 20 or at the most 25 percent of these Hungarian Jews could be used for labor. Hoess said that this percentage also pertained to all Jews transported to Auschwitz from all over German occupied Europe, with the exception of Greek Jews who were of such poor quality that Eichmann and Hoess said that all Jews unfit for labor were liquidated. Among the able-bodied were women and some children over the age of 12 or 13 years. Both Eichmann and Hoess said that all Jews unfit for labor were liquidated.

7. All exterminations of Jews took place in closed camps. The camps at Auschwitz and Maidenek were referred to as extermination camps "A" and "M" respectively. I know that Jews at Auschwitz and other extermination camps were killed with gas, starting at least as early as the spring of 1942. Eichmann said that in the cases of groups from which the able-bodied had already been selected, the remainder were gassed immediately upon their arrival at the concentration camps. In cases, where there was no prior selection, the screening had to take place at the concentration camps before the unfit were gassed. The inspections at concentration camps to determine who was considered able-bodied and who was to be executed were very superficial.

8. Late in 1944, Himmler directed that all executions of Jews were to cease, but Eichmann did not carry out this order until he received a written directive signed by Himmler. Unaccountable thousands of Jews who had been sent to concentration camps died of epidemics and undernourishment, such as in the camps at Flossenbrueck and Sachsenhausen.

9. In appendix A-l, I have prepared a chart of the organization of RSHA in 1944 to show the relative position of AMT IV A 4 and its subsections. In the same exhibit, I have listed the experts on the Jewish problem who served in a capacity similar to my own in other countries. Their names and assignments were:

Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Seidl (Theresienstadt)
Hauptsturmfuehrer Wisliceny (Slovakia)
Hauptsturmfuehrer Abromeit (Croatia)
Hauptsturmfuehrer Dannecker (Bulgaria)
Hauptsturmfuehrer Brunner (France)
Obersturmbannfuehrer Krumey (Lodz-later Vienna)
Hauptsturmfuehrer Burger (Theresienstadt-later Athens)

I have also shown members of the staff in Eichmann's office that includes Hauptsturmfuehrer Franz Novak who had charge of all transportation matters concerning all evacuations of Jews and Untersturmfuehrer Hartenberger who was a specialist on individual cases. To my personal knowledge, based on my observations during several years service in the Balkan countries and close association with leaders in these countries who were responsible for actions taken against the Jews, the number of Jews effected were approximately: 66,000 in Slovakia ; 60,000 in Greece ; 8,000 in Bulgaria ; 3,000 in Croatia and 500,000 in Hungary. In Appendix A-III I have set forth details as to their disposition.

10. I consider Eichmann's character and personality important factors in carrying out measures against the Jews. He was personally a cowardly man who went to great pains to protect himself from responsibility. He never made a move without approval from higher authority and was extremely careful to keep files and records establishing the responsibility of Himmler, Heydrich and later Kaltenbrunner. I have examined many of the files in his office and knew his secretary very well and I was particularly impressed with the exactness with which he maintained files and records dealing with all matters in his department. Every move taken by Eichmann in executing measures against the Jews was submitted to Heydrich and later to Kaltenbrunner for approval. I have seen signed duplicate copies of Eichmann's reports to Himmler. These all went through the Chief of RSHA, Heydrich and later Kaltenbrunner, who signed them. Signed duplicate copies of these reports bearing the name of Kaltenbrunner were filed by Eichmann. The regular channel was from Eichmann through Mueller to Kaltenbrunner and to Himmler. Eichmann was very cynical in his attitude toward the Jewish question. He gave no indication of any human feeling toward these people. He was not immoral, he was amoral and completely ice-cold in his attitude. He said to me on the occasion of our last meeting in February 1945, at which time we were discussing our fates upon losing the war: "I laugh when I jump into the grave because of the feeling that I have killed 5,000,000 Jews. That gives me great satisfaction and gratification."

11. According to Eichmann, he knew Kaltenbrunner from Linz and they had been good friends for many years. They were both members of the illegal Nazi Party in Austria and were together in Vienna from 1938 to 1940. I know that their good relations continued to at least February 1945. Eichmann told me more than once that whenever he had any difficulties he took them up with Kaltenbrunner. When Kaltenbrunner was appointed as Chief of the RSHA, Eichmann told me that his standing would be improved in the department because of his close connections with Kaltenbrunner. Their friendship appeared to be very strong because I myself, in February 1945 witnessed a short meeting between Kaltenbrunner and Eichmann. They met in the vestibule of the office house of Eichmann, Kurfuersten Str. 116, Kaltenbrunner greeted Eichmann heartily and asked about the health of Eichmann's father and family in Linz.

12. My mission in Slovakia was to advise the Slovak government on all Jewish questions, I was instructed to establish good relations with the Slovak government and consider my work as a diplomatic mission. I was assigned for administrative purposes to the German Legation at Bratislava and reported to Minister von Killinger, later to Minister Ludin. Copies of these reports were sent to Eichmann to whom I regularly sent confidential SD reports.

13. In 1941 when I visited the concentration area Sosnowitz where approximately 100,000 Jews were used as slavelabor. in large factories making uniforms and furniture, I was accompanied by a Slovak mission which was interested in establishing similar concentration labor projects in Slovakia. We found conditions not favorable but bearable. Thereafter two concentration work areas were established in Slovakia at Sered and Novaky where about 4,000 Jews, who had been removed from their individual shops and business and were forced to labor in factories and joiner's workshops. These work centers continued to operate until the insurrection in September 1944.

14. In March and April 1942, 17,000 specially selected Jews were sent to Lubin and Auschwitz, Poland, as construction workers and in May and June 1942, approximately 35,000 members of their families were sent to Auschwitz, at the request of the Slovak government since no provision had been made to support these families. At the request of the Slovak government, I went to Berlin in late July or August 1942, to obtain permission for a Slovak commission to visit these Jews in the area of Lublin. Eichmann speaking of the 35,000 in the second group, told me that such a mission would be, impossible and that "The Slovaks won't be able to see their Jews any more because they are no longer alive".

15. In September 1944, there remained about 25,000 Jews in SIovakia. Some of these joined in the insurrection at that time. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Brunner who had been sent to Slovakia from Paris in August 1944 pursuant to Eichmann's order, had all Jews that could be found arrested and sent to Sered. They were thereafter transported to Auschwitz and executed. I know of no survivors from this evacuation of Jews from Slovakia, although many escaped who had hidden during the rounding up in October 1944.

16. In January 1943, I was ordered by Eichmann to go to Salonika and make arrangements with the military administration to find a final solution for the Jewish problem there. Shortly before my departure from Bratislava I was told to meet Hauptsturmfuehrer Brunner in Vienna. He showed me a "Marsch" order and told me that he had been given the assignment by Eichmann to arrange all technical matters and that I was to make contacts with the authorities and governmental agencies. We went to Salonika together on 2 February 1944, and conferred with the Chief of the Military Administration, War Administrative Counsellor Dr. Merten from the military command, Area Salonika-Aegeus. Also, the local branch office of the Secret Police and SD, the Criminal Commissioner Paschleben and Consul General Schoenberg. Dr. Merten was the decisive authority and said he wished the Jews in Salonika first be concentrated in certain areas of the city. This was done without difficulty during February-March 1943. At least 80 percent of the Greek Jews were workers, laborers, craftsmen or longshoremen, but a large proportion of them had tuberculosis and had also suffered of epidemics raging in their quarters. The Salonika Jews had lived in Greece since the 15th century when they had fled from the inquisition in Spain. On or about 10 March, Eichmann sent Brunner a message that the compulsory evacuation (Aussiedlung) of Jews was to start at once. Dr. Merten agreed to the action but requested 3,000 male Jewish workers for railroad construction work under the Organization Todt who were later returned in time for inclusion in the last transports. I talked to Eichmann by telephone in Berlin telling him that typhus raged among the Jews but he said his orders for immediate compulsory evacuation would stand.

17. Some few foreign Jews were returned to their home country and about 700 Jews of Spanish nationality were transported in August 1943 to Bergen-Belsen and in December to Spain. These Jews had obtained their Spanish nationality during the last century while Greece was still under Turkish rule.

18. Altogether, 60,000 Jews were collected from Greece and shipped to Auschwitz. I am sure that this figure is approximately correct. I know that twenty-four transports averaging approximately 2,300 human beings each were shipped from Salonika and surroundings between March and May 1943, under the supervision of Hauptsturmfuehrer Brunner and myself, while two transports of about 2,500 each were shipped from Athens in July 1944 under the supervision of Hauptsturmfuehrer Burger. The freight cars used in these transports were furnished by the Military Transport Command. The requests for these cars went from Hauptsturmfuehrer Novak in IV A 4 b to Department Counsellor Stange in the Ministry of Transport, Berlin and thence through channels to the area transport command. Transports used in effecting the final solution of the Jewish problem commanded a sufficiently high priority to take precedence over other freight movements. All shipments were made on schedule, even in July 1944 when the Germans were evacuating Greece and rail transport needs were critical. Upon the departure of each transport a message was sent to Eichmann in Berlin stating the number of heads sent. I have seen copies of these cables in a folder kept by Brunner and upon completion of the movement of Jews from Northern Greece, Brunner made a summary report to Eichmann. I returned to Bratislava for several weeks and arrived again in Salonika at the end of May 1943 at which time Brunner was preparing the last shipment. The last transport left Salonika two days after my arrival and upon completion of the last shipment, Brunner was transferred to Paris for his new assignment.

19. During the period of collection into designated areas, the Jewish population was compelled to furnish their own subsistence. Upon arrival in the collecting camp, representatives of the Jewish community took over all cash and valuables from the inmates. Altogether, by August 1943, 280,000,000 drachmas had been deposited in the Greek National Bank for such purpose. This amount was appropriated by the German Military Administration. The property left behind, houses, businesses, apartments, movable belongings, etc., were administered by the Greek Governor General of Macedonia under the control of the Military administration.

20. In July 1944, Hoess, Commandant of Auschwitz, told Eichmann in my presence in Budapest that all of the Greek Jews had been exterminated because of their poor quality.

21. In connection with the movement of the German Army into Hungary in March 1944, it was agreed between Hitler and Horthy that the Army should not enter Budapest. No mention was made of the Security Police, however, and an Einsatz Group of about 800 members was secretly organized, under the leadership of Standartenfuehrer, later Oberfuehrer Dr. Geschke. The rank and file of the Einsatz Group consisted of members of the Security Police from all over Germany and occupied Europe, in addition about sixty men from the Waffen SS. Shortly after arrival in Budapest, a further battalion of Waffen SS was assigned to the Einsatz Group for guard purposes. Most of the experts on final solution of the Jewish question in IV A 4 b were organized under the designation "Special Action Commando Eichmann". This Special Commando was directly subordinated to the Chief of the Security Police and SD, Kaltenbrunner. Both the Einsatz Group and the Special Commando were first activated about 10 March 1944. The personnel were assembled at Mauthausen in Linz, Austria, and moved later into Hungary 19 March 1944. Matters of personnel for the Special Action Commandos were handled by Geschke, while all operations were directed by Eichmann personally. The Army had informed higher SS and Police Leader Winckelman as representative of Himmler, and Oberfuehrer Piffrader and Dr. Geschke as representatives of RSHA, of the place and hour of the invasion of Hungary. I had advance knowledge of the action that was to be undertaken although it was kept secret from the rank and file of the group. I had seen Eichmann studying maps of Hungary in advance of the movement. We marched into Budapest on 19 March 1944 ahead of the Army and Eichmann arrived there on 21 March. 22. During the first days after arrival in Budapest, Eichmann, Hunsche and I conferred with Endre and von Baky who were Administrative State, Secretary and Political State Secretary respectively of the Ministry of Interior for Hungary. Actions against Jews, were discussed in the smallest detail. It was the purpose to start, evacuation of Jews as soon as possi1e. In late March 1944, about 200 Jews prominent in the economical and cultural life of Hungary were taken as hostages on orders of Geschke. Thereafter in accordance with. the agreement between Endre and Eichmann, Jews were concentrated in designated larger cities and towns in Karpato-Russia and Siebenbuergen (Transylvania), such actions being undertaken by the Hungarian Gendarmerie under Lt. Colonel Ferenzcy who had the same relative position for the Hungarian Ministry of Interior as, K had for Special Action Commando Eichmann in the carrying out of these actions. Eichmann's delegates were sent to each of the larger collecting points.

23. While detailed preparations were being made and actions taken to prepare all Hungarian Jews for evacuation, Dr. Rudolph Kastner of the Joint Distribution Committee gave me 3,000,000 pengoe for Eichmann to induce him to grant a first interview on the Jewish question. This money was carefully counted and taken over by Geschke's treasurer. About 8 or 10 April, a meeting was arranged at the Hotel Majestic in Eichmann's office between Dr. Kastner, Mr. Brand another representative of: the Cornmittee, and Eichmann. There followed a series of conversations in which Eichmann was implored to leave Hungarian Jews aIone upon an offer to pay any amount to stop further action. Eichmann reported the situation to Himmler who sent Standartenfuehrer Becher to continue negotiations in Budapest. Demand was made by Becher for payment in trucks and raw materials with the condition. that they would. not be used against England or America. I was later informed that this proposal was turned down by the Allied countries because there was no assurance that they would not be used against the U. S. S. R. As Eichmann had predicted and wished, the negotiations failed and although Dr. Kastner fought bitterly to obtain some concessions, the planned actions went ahead.

24. I think it quite important to describe the attitude of the Hungarian Government. According to Ferenzcy, the Hungarian Government at first agreed only to concentrate the Jews in certain collecting points. Conditions created by the massing of hundreds of thousands of people in narrow camps were unbearable. The inmates could not be fed or taken care of. Ferenzcy went to Budapest about 20 April 1944, and reported to Endre and von Baky that either the Jews would have to be returned to their homes or removed to other areas. This was Eichmann's hoped for moment. He declared that he would be ready to take over these Jews if the Hungarian government would make a special request. It happened as follows: Ferenczy arrived in Budapest in the morning, reported to von Baky who sent him to Eichmann. Ferenzcy saw Eichmann around noon and received Eichmann's request. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon the Hungarian government had made the demanded request. Eichmann arranged at once in Vienna conference of transport experts for the arrangement of the time table of the evacuation. In this conference, Novak, for the Hungarians Captain Lulay, Ferenzcy's Adjutant, participated and in addition, representatives from the Reich Ministry of Transport were present. I saw copies of the cables which were sent regarding all these matters from Eichmann to the Chief of the Security Police and SD, Kaltenbrunner, reporting the developments; furthermore, a cable to Eichmann's deputy, Sturmbannfuehrer Rolf Guenther requesting him to immediately inform the Inspector of concentration camps, Brigadefuehrer Glicks of the arrival of the Hungarian Jews in Auschwitz and ask him to make all necessary preparations for their reception.

25. The evacuation of Jews from Hungary took place in four stages. First, Karpato-Russia and Northern Transylvania from which area approximately 320,000 were evacuated. The second stage was in Northern Hungary including parts ceded by Slovakia. There were about 42,000 evacuated from this area. The third stage covered Southern Hungary. including Szeged from which 46,000 were evacuated. The fourth stage covered, Western Hungary and removed about 40,000 Jews. Action in this area started at the end of the first stage and continued during the second in Northern Hungary. A special action took place in Batschka involving about 10,000. The aggregate number in these four stages was approximately 468,000. Only the city of Budapest remained outside the scope of the evacuations. Eichmann and his fellow conspirators, Endre and von Baky, made repeated attempts to carry through actions in Budapest but were prevented by the intervention of Horthy who, through the intermediary of Dr. Kastner and I, was informed of the planned actions.

26. Negotiations between the Joint Distribution Committee and Himmler's representative, Becher, continued during all this time. Fearing that some kind of an agreement would eventually be achieved, Eichmann decided to send about 9,000 Hungarian Jews to Vienna, he called them "Joint Jews" so they could be shown to representatives of the Joint Distribution Committee. It was Krumey who sold the idea to Eichmsnn. In this connection, Eichmann together with Becher visited Himmler in July. In August 1944, 3,000 additional "Joint Jews" were sent to Bergen-Belsen from where, in December, they were sent to Switzerland.

27. In November and December 1944, about 30,000 Jews were evacuated from Budapest to Austria. A small number were forwarded to the concentration camps of Flossenbrueck and Sachsenhausen. The evacuation of these 30,000 took place under terrible conditions. The group consisted mostly of women and some Jewish units from the Hungarian labor' service, and they were forced to walk about 180 kilometers in rain and snow and without food to the Austrian border. There Abromeit and I were charged with receiving the group and further transporting them to the labor camps. The group arrived in a state of complete exhaustion and I was told by the Hungarian guards that a considerable number had died of exhaustion and starvation during the march. I first refused but was later compelled to take over the transport from the Hungarians when this protest was reported by the Hungarians to Eichmann. From that moment on, Eichmann com-pletely lost his confidence in me, a confidence which had already earlier been shaken. My participation in the Hungarian actions ended.

28. I am not personally informed as to the affects of measures taken in Germany or other occupied countries although I have heard many discussions by Eichmann and the Jewish Specialists from RSHA on such areas concerning the numbers involved. Neither am I informed as to the results of operations by Einsatz Groups in Poland and Russia but I know that Einsatz Groups operating in the East were designated "A " through at least "H". I talked to members of Einsatz Group "H" late in 1944 in Hungary, who had operated in the area around the Black Sea. On the basis of the information I have received, some of which came direct from Eichmann, there were hundreds of thousands of Jews exterminated by these Einsatz Groups.

29. In November 1942, in Eichmann's office in Berlin, I met Standartenfuehrer Plobel, who was leader of Kommando 1005, which was specially assigned to remove all traces of the final solution (extermination) of the Jewish problem by Einsatz Groups and all other executions. Kommando 1005 operated from at least autumn 1942 to September 1944 and was all this period subordinated to Eichmann. The mission was constituted after it first became apparent that Germany would not be able to hold all the territory occupied in the East and it was considered necessary to remove all traces of the criminal executions that had been committed. While in Berlin in November 1942, Plobel gave a lecture before Eichmann's staff of specialists on the Jewish question from the occupied territories. He spoke of the special incinerators he had personally constructed for use in the work of Kommando 1005. It was their particular assignment to open the graves and remove and cremate the bodies of persons who had been previously executed. Kommando 1005 operated in Russia, Poland and through the Baltic area. I again saw Plobel in Hungary in 1944 and he stated to Eichmann in my presence that the mission of Kommando 1005 had been completed..

30. After being dismissed by Eichmann from further participation in the final solution of the Jewish question in Hungary, I paid a visit to Slovakia on personal business and reported to Berlin end of January 1945. I had a short formal interview with Eichmann who then took me to Mueller for reassignment outside of IV A 4 b. Mueller assigned me to IV B 2 c which handled Slovakian matters other than Jewish questions. On 28 January, I reported in Trebnitz outside Berlin where the subsection had evacuated because of heavy air raids in Berlin. While at Trebnitz I was given the assignment of studying papers in connection with the Slovakian insurrection August-December 1944. My interest was drawn to the files containing the interrogation reports of the captured members of the American and British military mission in Slovakia. These files were given to me by Sturmbannfuehrer Schoeneseiffen who had been in charge of the interrogations of the prisoners at Mauthausen concentration camp. I ascertained the following facts. Members of the two missions were landed in Banska Bystrica by airplanes from Bari, Italy. Their mission was to contact Allied pilots who had been compelled to land in Slovakia, and help effectuate their escape to Italy. They had succeeded in this task in many cases. Another task was to contact the leaders of the insurrection Army, the socalled Czechoslovakian Army of insurrection" especially Generals Viest and Golian , obtain information of their demands for equipment and other supplies and transmit these demands to the Allies', in Bari and in London.

31. After the collapse of the insurrection, the members of the mission fled to the mountains in Lower Tatra where they were finally captured at the end of November or the beginning of 'December by squads from the Commander of Security Police and SD at Bratislava, Witiska. The prisoners were brought to Bratislava where they were subjected to preliminary interrogations and reports were sent to RSHA and thence to Himmler. The files showed a large number of communications back and forth between Witiska and the RSHA. Himmler finally, by the middle of December, ordered the prisoners brought to Mauthausen concentration camp for thorough interrogation. Schoeneseiffen was detailed to prepare the questionnaires pertaining to the American and English Foreign Intelligence Service. He had the cooperation in this work of the AMTs interested in these matters and then proceeded to Mauthausen accompanied by a staff of interpreters. The result of his interrogations were contained in the files in the form of extensive individual reports. These reports were signed by the interrogator, the interpreter and the witness. The copies of summaries of the interrogations which were sent to Himmler carried Kaltenbrunner's initials. I limited my examination to the matters in which I was interested but I do remember that the name of the Chief of the American mission was Captain Brown, another member of this Mission was Lieut. Mican. The Chief of the British mission was Captain Sehmer, a man of German extraction, and another member was Rice whose family name had been something like Hochfelder, an Austrian Jew who had emigrated from Vienna in 1938. There were no signs in the report that the interrogations had been conducted by pressure methods except in the report signed by one of the American officers, I believe Brown, had, and I distinctly remember it, signed in English above his signature "Given under duress and protest". I know that pressure methods were used in special cases upon special permission from above. The files I examined contained no such orders but certain papers had been. extracted by Schoeneseiffen and retained in his personal custody. The last paper in the file was a request from OKW to have the captured Allied prisoners transferred to regular PW camps. However, I learned from Sturmbannfuehrer Thomsen IV B 2 that the prisoners had been shot on order of Hitler as retaliation for alleged shooting of German officers in Paris.

32. On the first of February, the camp in Trebnitz was evacuated because of the approaching Russians. Mueller returned me to Eichmann. In late February I talked to Eichmann and he made the statement which I have referred to above in paragraph 10. Eichmann proposed to Runsche and myself that he was going to have Theresienstadt destroyed together with all the Jewish inmates. We prevailed upon him to abandon such a plan. At this meeting, Eichmann also said that if matters came to the worst, he would return to Prague and shoot his family and himself. I did not see Eichmann again.

I understand written English and have made the foregoing statements and attached Appendix A-I and II voluntarily and under oath. [signed] DIETER WISLICENY

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 29th day of November 1946 at Nurnberg, Germany. [signed] SMITH W. BROOKHART, JR. Lt. Col. IGD

[Appendix A-I omitted.]


  • Franz Suchomel, SS-Unterscharführer, operò per Action T4, poi a Treblinka (Operazione Reinhard) e quindi nelle Einsatzgruppen , processato e condannato a Dusseldorf nel 1965 per i crimini compiuti a Treblinka.
    • Intervistato da Claude Lanzmann nel film-documentario Shoah
Franz Suchomel, SS-Unterscharführer con un importante curriculum criminale: impiegato prima nell'Action T4, poi a Treblinka e quindi nelle Einsatzgruppen. Processato e condannato a Dusseldorf nel 1965 per i crimiini compiuti a Treblinka (Processo di Treblinka) rilascia importanti dichiarazioni sullo sterminio e le camere a gas. Viene inoltre intervistato (e fa importanti dichiarzioni) da Claude Lanzmann nel film "Shoah"
    • Intervistato da Claude Lanzmann nel film-documentario Shoah
    • Intervista:
Interviewer: You are a very important eyewitness, and you can explain what Treblinka was
Suchomel: But don't use my name
Interviewer: No, I promised. All right, you've arrived at Treblinka
Suchomel: So Stadie, the sarge, showed us the camps from end to end. Just as we went by, they were opening the gas-chamber doors, ::and people fell out like potatoes. Naturally, that horrified and appalled us. We went back and sat down on our suitcases and cried like ::old women. Each day one hundred Jews were chosen to drag the corpses to the mass graves. In the evening the Ukrainians drove those Jews ::into the gas chambers or shot them. Every day!
  • Fonte: Libro Shoah di Claude Lanzmann, 1985, pag.54 + (HEART)
  • cosa disse1: I remember that in the time when the whole camp was entirely disorganised, Wirth conducted talks with the German staff, mainly at 11 o’clock in the evening. These talks took place in the presence of Stangl.

Wirth gave detailed instructions as to the liquidation of the transports and to the incorporation of the Jewish working commandos in this process. His instructions were detailed. For example, they described how to open the doors of the freight cars, the disembarking of the Jews, the passage through the “tube” to the upper part of the camp. Wirth personally gave an order that when the Jews were taking off their shoes they had to tie them together…. Wirth’s instructions were carried out even after he left Treblinka.

  • cosa disse2: The new gas chambers were built in September 1942. Hackenholt and Lambert supervised the Jews who did the work, the bricklaying at least. Ukrainian carpenters made the doors. The gas chamber doors were armoured bunker doors, I think they were brought from Bialystok, from some Russian bunkers.

Fonte: Processo di Treblinka riportato da Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team (HEART)


  • Hans Münch (medico), medico SS-Unterscharführer ad Auschwitz
    • nel 1981 fa un'intervista alla televisione svedese contro la volontà della sua famiglia
    • Cosa disse:

Interviewer: Isn't the ideology of extermination contrary to a doctor's ethical values?
Münch: Yes, absolutely. There is no discussion. But I lived in that environment, and I tried in every possible way to avoid accepting it, but I had to live with it. What else could I have done? And I wasn't confronted with it directly until the order came that I and my superior and another one had to take part in the exterminations since the camp's doctors were overloaded and couldn't cope with it.
Interviewer: I must ask something. Doubters claim that "special treatment" could mean anything. It didn't have to be extermination.
Münch: "Special treatment" in the terminology of the concentration camp means physical extermination. If it was a question of more than a few people, where nothing else than gassing them was worthwhile, they were gassed.
Interviewer: "Special treatment" was gassing?
Münch: Yes, absolutely.


  • Oswald Pohl, SS Obergruppenführer. Ebbe un ruolo importante nella "soluzione finale" della questione ebraica in quanto capo della SS-Wirtschafts-und Verwaltungshauptam (WVHA) ovvero "l'Ufficio amministrativo centrale delle SS"
    • Le sue dichiarazioni non smentiscono l'Olocausto, ma attestano che fosse "un fatto" ben preciso organizzato da responsabili e sottoposti in cui la sua responsabilità nelle uccisioni (a suo avviso) non c'era.
    • cosa disse:«Accetto la mia responsabilità per i campi, ma per quanto riguarda le misure prese contro gli ebrei, io non c'entro niente. Questo tipo di ordini proveniva dal RSHA. Himmler trasmetteva gli ordini a Kaltenbrunner, il quale li trasmetteva a Müller della Gestapo ed era Müller ad avere sotto il suo controllo l'intero programma di sterminio. Questo era il modo in cui erano attivati gli ordini di Himmler. Io non ho partecipato allo sterminio degli ebrei.»

Nella testimonianza resa al processo di Norimberga, Pohl affermò che fu quando ascoltò Himmler a Posen «che ricevette la sua "prima notifica ufficiale" che la Soluzione Finale doveva essere lo sterminio» (?) (vedi nota 3 qui) .

  • Fonte: Verbale del "Processo Pohl" riportato da Leon Goldensohn e Robert Gellately in The Nuremberg Interviews, Knopf, 2004, ISBN 978-0-375-41469-5.
  • Richard Bock (N.B. : riportato da EHRI e da Nizkor come Richard Boeck e da enWp come Richard Böck), SS Rottenfuhrer nel campo di sterminio di Auschwitz-Birkenau, testimone spontaneo (non accusato di alcun crimine) al Processo di Francoforte sui criminali di Auschwitz
    • Sua testimonianza sulla camera a gas nell' inverno 1942 - 1943
    • Cosa disse:
Richard Bock testimone spontaneo (non accusato di nessun crimine) al Processo di Francoforte nel 1964 contro i principali criminali nazisti operativi nei campi di Auschwitz


“Holblinger said to me, “Richard, are you interested in seeing one of the actions?” I said, “Yes, very interested indeed,” and he said, “I’ll take you with me this evening.” We drove out to Birkenau, not to where the ramp was later but where the train stopped on the big slope. It was a transport from Holland and the Dutch Jews who came to Auschwitz were very elegant and rich.

He parked his ambulance there and I sat in it pre-tending to be the co-driver. Then they drove them off in a lorry to Bunker One, where there were four big halls. The halls did not have a proper roof, just a sloping top. At first Holblinger did not have anything to do. Then they went into the hall and the new arrivals had to get undressed, and then the order came, “Prepare for disinfection.”

There were enormous piles of clothing in there, and there was a board running around so that the piles did not collapse. And the new arrivals, the Dutch people, had to stand on top of this great heap of clothes to get undressed. Lots of them hid their children under the clothes and covered them up, then they shouted, “Get ready,” and they all went out, they had to run naked approximately twenty yards from the hall across to Bunker One.

There were two doors standing open and they went in there and when a certain number had gone inside they shut the doors. That happened about three times and every time Holblinger had to go out to his ambulance and they took out a sort of tin- he and one of his block-chiefs – and then he climbed up the ladder and at the top there was a round hole and he opened a little round door and held the tin there and shook it and then he shut the little door again.

Then a fearful screaming started up and approximately after about ten minutes it slowly went quiet. They opened the door – it was a prisoners’ Sonderkommando who did that – then a blue haze came out. I looked in and I saw a pyramid. They had all climbed up on top of the other and then the prisoners had to go in and tear it apart.

They were all tangled, one had his arm down by another’s foot and then round it and back up again and his fingers were sticking in someone else’s eye, so deep. They were all tangled, they had to tug and pull very hard to disentangle all these people. Then we went back to the hall and now it was the turn of the last lot to get undressed, the ones who had managed to hang back a bit all the time.

One girl with beautiful black hair, was crouching there and didn’t want to get undressed and an SS man came up and said, “I suppose you don’t want to get undressed,” and she tossed her hair back and laughed a little.

Then he went away, and came back with two prisoners and they literally tore the clothes off her then they grabbed an arm and they dragged her across to Bunker One and pushed her in there. Then the prisoners had to check where the small children had been hidden and covered up. They pulled them out and opened the doors, quickly again and threw all the children in and slammed the doors.

“I am going to be sick, “I said, “I’ve never seen anything like it in my life, its absolutely terrible.” I can’t stand it anymore and he said, “You do get used to anything in time.”



  • Julius Muthig, medico tedesco, SS-Sturmbannführers, operò nei campi di Dachau, Neuengamme e Sachsenhausen.
    • Sua testimonianza :...........ricorda la visita della commissione inviata da Himmler (vedi qui)
    • Cosa disse: "Nell'autunno 1941, in occasione di una visita di servizio nel mio reparto del dottor Lolling mi fu da lui comunicato che una commissione composta di quattro medici sotto la direzione del professor Heyde sarebbe presto giunta a Dachau. Il compito della commissione sarebbe stato iscrivere nell'apposito elenco per i trasferimenti a scopo di eutanasia i detenuti inabili al lavoro e disporne il trasferimento al campo di Mauthausen per l'eutanasia nelle camere a gas. Poco tempo dopo la comunicazione del dottor Lolling giunse l'attesa commissione. Era costituita da quattro psichiatri oltre al direttore, il professor Heyde (...) vidi i quattro medici seduti a quattro scrivanie collocate tra le due baracche e parecchie centinaia di prigionieri in fila dinanzi a loro. Ciascuno si presentava ad un medico che, previa verifica dell'inabilità al lavoro e degli incartamenti politici, lo iscriveva nell'apposito elenco. So che la commissione rimase solo pochi giorni a Dachau e che in quel breve tempo era impossibile una visita medica di così tanti detenuti".
    • Nota (con foto) : «Nel 1945 l'operazione eutanasia era ancora attiva per i neonati e per i prigionieri dei campi di concetramento. La foto, scattata dai russi nel febbraio 1945, mostra il magazzino della clinica di eliminazione di Meseritz-Obrawalde: le urne per contenere le ceneri delle vittime sono pronte per l'uso»(vedi qui)


  • Waldemar Hoven SS-Hauptsturmführer, ufficiale medico del campo di concentramento di Buchenwald. Al "Processo ai dottori", uno dei dodici processi secondari di Norimberga venne riconosciuto colpevole di crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e membro di un'organizzazione criminale, viene giustiziato il 2 giugno 1948 nella prigione di Landsberg am Lech, in Baviera.
    • Sua testimonianza al processo di Norimberga (processo ai dottori)
    • Cosa disse: «Il comandante del lager Koch chiamò a raccolta i più autorevoli dirigenti delle SS del lager dicendo che aveva ricevuto un ordine segreto da Himmler, in base al quale tutti i detenuti malati di mente o disabili dovevano essere eliminati. Aggiunse inoltre che, per ordini superiori ricevuti da Berlino, in questo programma di eliminazione dovevano rientrare tutti i detenuti di razza ebraica del campo di Buchenwald. Conformemente all'ordine circa 300-400 detenuti ebrei di diverse nazionalità furono trasferiti al centro di eutanasia di Bernburg. Un paio di giorni dopo ricevetti dal comandante del campo una lista di ebrei uccisi a Bernburg, con l'incarico di redigere falsi certificati di morte. Eseguii l'ordine. Questa azione speciale venne eseguita sotto la sigla di copertura 14F13»
    • Fonte: questa


  • Viktor Brack, SS-Oberführer, uno dei principali organizzatori dell'Aktion T4 e degli esperimenti medici nei campi di concentramento, giudicato colpevole a Norimberga (Processo ai medici), condannato a morte nel 1947 viene giustiziato nel 1948.
    • Sua testimonianza al processo di Norimberga (processo ai dottori)
    • Cosa disse: «Nel 1941 ricevetti l'ordine di sospendere il programma eutanasia. Per non lasciar disperdere il personale che in tal modo veniva messo in libertà e per essere eventualmente in grado di riprendere il programma eutanasia dopo la guerra, Bouhler mi invitò - credo dopo averne parlato con Himmler - a mandare questo personale a Lublino e a metterlo a disposizione del generale delle SS Globocnik. Solo molto tempo dopo, verso la fine del 1942, mi resi conto che veniva impiegato nello sterminio in massa degli ebrei, oramai di pubblico dominio nelle sfere più alte del partito».
    • Fonte: questa


  • Wilhelm Bahr, SS-Unterscharfuehrer e S-Sanitätsdienstgrad nel campo di concentramento di Neuengamme e quello di Vaivara, un lungo curriculum criminale in campo medico p.e. eliminò con iniezioni di benzina moltissimi internati di Neuengamme. Catturato e processato ad Amburgo e in seguito giustiziato, a domande risponde:
  • Q: Is it correct that you have gassed 200 Russian POW's with Zyklon-B?
  • A: Yes, on orders.
  • Q: Where did you do that?
  • A: In Neuengamme [concentration camp].
  • Q: On whose order?
  • A: The local doctor, Dr. Von Bergmann.
  • Q: With what gas?
  • A: With Prussic acid [another name for Zyklon-B].
  • Q: How long did the Russians take to die?
  • A: I do not know. I only obeyed orders.
  • Q: How long did it take to gas the Russians?
  • A: I returned after two hours and they were all dead.
  • Q: For what purpose did you go away?
  • A: That was during lunch hour.
  • Q: You left for your lunch and came back afterwards?
  • A: Yes.
  • Q: Were they dead when you came back?
  • A: Yes.
  • Q: Did you look at their bodies?
  • A: Yes, because I had to load them.
  • Q: Why did you apply the gas to the Russians?
  • A: I only had orders to pour in the gas and I do not know anything about it.


  • Johann Paul Kremer, medico e accademico tedesco, SS-Obersturmführer nel campo di concentramento di Auschwitz (dal 30 agosto al 18 novembre 1942) (importanti dichiarazioni sullo sterminio, vedi "Diario di Johann Paul Kremer")

(fonte:questa e questa, vedi anche voce su Wp in italiano dedicata a Kremer)


  • Magnus Wochner, guardia SS al Campo di concentramento di Natzweiler in Francia (unico KL in suolo francese).
    • Testimonianza resa al Processo di Natzweiler dinnanzi a un tribunale britannico dal 9 aprile 1946 al 5 maggio 1946 tenuto nella città tedesca di Wuppertal e che terminò con tre condanne a morte (due eseguite ed una convertita in ergastolo), e tre altre condanne a vari anni di reclusione (Wochner fu condannato a 10 anni).
    • Cosa disse: [...] Ricordo in particolare un'esecuzione di massa quando circa 90 prigionieri (60 uomini e 30 donne), tutti ebrei, furono uccisi con il gas. Questo ebbe luogo, per quanto mi ricordo, nella primavera del 1944. In questo caso i cadaveri sono stati inviati al professor Hirt del dipartimento di Anatomia di Strasburgo.
    • Fonte: questa


  • Erich Bauer, SS-Oberscharführer, impiegato prima nell'Aktion T4 viene inviato al campo di sterminio di Sobibór.
    • cinque sue testimonianze:
Erich Bauer, SS-Oberscharführer al campo di sterminio di Sobibor, cinque diverse testimonianze sullo sterminio


    • 1 Cosa disse: Normally, inside the camp, each member of the permanent staff had a specific function for example, commander of the Ukrainian auxiliaries, leader of a working group, excavation of pits, erection of barbed wire fences. However, when a transport with Jews arrived there was so much “work” that the regular activity was interrupted, and everyone on the permanent staff had to participate somehow in the routine extermination process.
    • 2 Cosa disse: Usually the undressing went smoothly. Subsequently, the Jews were taken through the “tube” to Camp lll – the real extermination camp. The transfer through the “tube” proceeded as follows:One SS man was in the lead and five or six Ukrainian auxiliaries were at the back hastening the Jews along. The women were taken through a barrack where their hair was cut off. In Camp lll the Jews were received by SS men. As I already mentioned, the motor was then switched on by Gottinger and one of the Ukrainian auxiliaries whose name I don’t remember. Then the gassed Jews were taken out. I was blamed for being responsible for the death of the Jewish girls Ruth and Gisela who lived in the so-called forester house. As it is known, these two girls lived in the forester house, and they were visited frequently by the SS men.Orgies were conducted there. They were attended by Bolender, Hubert Gomerski, Karl Ludwig, Franz Stangl, Gustav Wagner and Steubel. I lived in the room above them and due to these celebrations could not fall asleep after coming back from a journey. One evening Karl Ludwig banged on the girl’s door. Evidently he wanted to enter. The girls opened the door in my presence. Ludwig ordered the girls to put on their dressing gowns, and both of us took them in the direction of Camp lll. I went half way only and then returned. Ludwig went with them alone. Next day Ludwig told me that by his order a Ukrainian had shot the two girls. Primarily each member, of the permanent staff took place in the unloading of the transports.
    • 3 Cosa disse: Part of the trolleys and rails originated from the sawmill that bordered the Sobibor camp. Additional trolleys and rails arrived by train from Trawniki. The locomotive of this train came later, about two months after the trolley was in operation. At the beginning horses pulled the trolleys. As I explained in previous interrogations, the trolley was laid to transport the sick and handicapped Jews from the arriving trains to Camp lll. I know that these people, including the handicapped and sick children, and particularly infants, were taken to the so-called Lazarett, and there they were shot by those serving in Camp lll. It was known in the camps, that the Lazarett was used not for healing but for the extermination of the people.
    • 4 Cosa disse: Bolender was in charge of Camp lll. In Sobibor there was a working Jew whom Bolender ordered to box with another working Jew, and for his pleasure they hit each other almost until death. Bolender had a big dog and when he was in charge of the platform workers he set the dog at the Jews, who did not work quickly enough.
    • 5 Cosa disse: I estimate that the number of Jews gassed at Sobibor was about 350,000. in the canteen at Sobibor I once overheard a conversation between Frenzel, Stangl and Wagner. They were discussing the number of victims in the extermination camps of Belzec, Treblinka and Sobibor and expressed their regret that Sobibor “came last” in the competition.
  • Fonti: BELZEC, SOBIBOR, TREBLINKA - the Operation Reinhard Death Camps. Indiana University Press - Yitzhak Arad, 1987, p. 77. Vedi anche qui e qui


  • Erich Fuchs, SS-Scharführer, SS-Sonderkommando. Impiegato prima per l'Aktion T4 viene mandato al chiusura del programma prima a Belzec, poi a Sobibor e quindi Treblinka. Rilascia ai processi riguardanti i tre campi di sterminio dell'Operazione Reinhard tre dichiarazioni sullo sterminio e l'uso delle camere a gas in quei campi.
Erich Fuchs, SS-Scharführer, SS-Sonderkommando. Tre deposizioni sull'uso del gas a Sobibor, a Belzec e a Treblinka
  • Testimonianza per il campo di Belzec
  • Cosa disse 1 : Al nostro arrivo a Belzec, abbiamo incontrato Friedel Schwarz e gli altri uomini delle SS, di cui non ricordo i nomi. Hanno supervisionato la costruzione di baracche che sarebbero servite da camera a gas. Wirth ci ha detto che a Belzec "tutti gli ebrei saranno abbattuti". A questo scopo furono costruite delle baracche come camere a gas. Io ho installato i getti della doccia nelle camere a gas. Gli ugelli non erano collegati ad alcun tubo dell'acqua; questi sarebebro serviti da camuffamento per la camera a gas. Agli ebrei che sarebbero stati gassati, sarebbe sembrerato che fossero portati ai bagni e per la disinfezione.
  • Fonte: HEART
  • Testimonianza per il campo di Sobibor
  • Cosa disse 1: A un certo punto, nella primavera del 1942, ricevetti istruzioni da Wirth di andare a prendere il nuovo personale del campo da Lublino con un camion. Uno di questi era Erich Bauer (anche Stangl e una o due altre persone) ... Su istruzioni di Wirth sono partito in camion per Lemberg e lì ho raccolto un apparechio per gassazione che poi ho portato a Sobibor. Arrivato a Sobibor ho scoperto un terreno aperto vicino alla stazione su cui c'erano un edificio di cemento e diversi altri edifici permanenti. L'SS-Sonderkommando a Sobibor era guidato da Thomalla. Tra il personale delle SS c'erano Floss, Bauer, Stangl, Schwarz, Barbl e altri. Abbiamo scaricato il motore. Era un pesante motore a benzina russo (presumibilmente un carro armato o un trattore) di almeno 200 CV (motore a carburatore, otto cilindri, raffreddato ad acqua). Abbiamo messo il motore su un basamento di cemento e collegato un tubo all'uscita di scarico. Poi abbiamo provato il motore. All'inizio non ha funzionato. Ho riparato l'accensione e la valvola e improvvisamente il motore si avviò. Il chimico che già conoscevo da Belzec entrò nella camera a gas con un misuratore per misurare la concentrazione di gas Successivamente fu eseguito un collaudo della gassificazione. Mi sembra di ricordare che da trenta a quaranta donne furono gassate in una camera a gas. Le ebree dovettero spogliarsi sotto una tettoia in una radura nel bosco, vicino alla camera a gas. Furono ammassatie nella camera a gas dai suddetti membri delle SS e da volontari ucraini. Quando le donne furono chiuse nella camera a gas, mi occupai del motore insieme a Bauer. Il motore iniziò immediatamente a rombare. Restammo entrambi accanto al motore e lo attivammo per rilasciare il "gas di scarico nella camera" in modo che i gas fossero incanalati nella camera. Su istigazione del farmacista ho accelerato il motore, in tal modo in seguito non si sarebbe dovuto aggiungere benzina extra. Dopo una decina di minuti le trenta o quaranta donne erano morte. Il farmacista e le SS diedero il segnale di spegnere il motore
  • Fonte: come da voce di Bramfab in sua sandbox, tradotta (ma manca qualcosa della seguente) da traduzione originale di HEART:

As ordered by Wirth I drove an LKW to Lvov, fetched a gas motor and transported it to Sobibor. When I arrived at Sobibor, close to the railway station I saw a tract of land with a concrete construction and some other solid buildings. The Sonderkommando there were commanded by Thomalla. Other members of the SS who attended were F.B. Stangl, F.Schwartz, Kurt Bolender and others. We unloaded the motor. It was a heavy Russian benzine engine – presumably a tank or tractor motor at least 200 horsepower V-motor, 8 cylinders, water cooled. We installed the engine on a concrete foundation and set up the connection between the exhaust and the tube. I then tested the motor. It did not work. I was able to repair the ignition and the valves, and the motor finally started running. The chemist whom I knew from Belzec, entered the gas chamber with measuring instruments to test the concentration of the gas. Following this a gassing experiment was carried out. If my memory serves me right, about thirty to forty women were gassed in one gas chamber. The Jewish women were forced to undress in an open place close to the gas chamber, and were driven into the gas chamber by the above mentioned SS members and by Ukrainian auxiliaries. When the women were shut up in the gas chamber I and Bolender set the motor in motion. The motor functioned first in neutral. Both of us stood by the motor and switched from neutral to Cell, so that the gas was conveyed to the chamber. At the suggestion of the chemist I fixed the motor on a definitive speed so that it was unnecessary henceforth to press on the gas. About ten minutes later the thirty to forty women were dead. The chemist and the SS Leader gave the sign to stop the motor. I packed my tools and saw how the corpses were removed. The transportation was done with a lorry trail that led from the gas chambers to a remote plot. Fonte: HEART

  • Testimonianza per il campo di Treblinka
  • Cosa disse 1: Fonte: Successivamente sono andato a Treblinka. In questo campo di sterminio ho installato un generatore che forniva luce elettrica alle baracche. Il lavoro a Treblinka mi ha richiesto dai tre ai quattro mesi intensi. Durante la mia permanenza arrivavano quotidianamente trasporti di ebrei che venivano gassati.
  • Fonte: [da sandbox di Bramfab nella voce di Fuchs]


Karl Alfred Schlunch, SS-Unterscharführer, SS-Sonderkommando di Belzec. Deposizione sul campo di sterminio di Belzec per il periodo giugno 1942 - estate 1943
    • Cosa disse: In the morning or noon time we were informed by Wirth, Schwarz, or by Oberhauser that a transport with Jews should arrive soon. The disembarkation from the freight cars was carried out by a group of Jewish prisoners under the command of their Kapo’s. Two or three Germans from the camp staff supervised this action. It was my obligation to carry out such supervision. After the disembarkation, the Jews were told that they had come here for transfer and they should go to bath and disinfection. This announcement was made by Wirth and translated by a Jewish kapo. Afterwards the Jews were taken to the undressing barracks. My post in the “tube” was close to the undressing barrack. Wirth briefed me that while I was there I should influence the Jews to behave calmly. After leaving the undressing barracks, I had to show the Jews the way to the gas chambers. I believe that when I showed the Jews the way they were convinced they were really going to the baths. After the Jews entered the gas chambers, the doors were closed by Hackenholt himself or by the Ukrainian subordinate to him. Then Hackenholt switched on the engine which supplied the gas. After five or seven minutes – and this is only an estimate – someone looked through the small window into the gas chamber to verify whether all inside were dead. Only then were the outside doors opened and the gas chambers ventilated. After the ventilation of the gas chambers, a Jewish working group under the command of their kapo’s entered and removed the bodies from the chambers. Occasionally I had to supervise at this place, therefore I can describe the whole process which I saw and witnessed personally. The Jews inside the gas chambers were densely packed, this is the reason that the corpses were not lying on the floor but were mixed up in disorder in all directions, some of them kneeling, according to the amount of space they had. The corpses were besmirched with mud and urine or with spit. I could see that the lips and tips of the noses were a bluish colour. Some of them had their eyes closed, others eyes rolled. The bodies were dragged out of the gas chambers and inspected by a dentist, who removed finger-rings and gold teeth. After this procedure, the corpses were thrown into a big pit.
    • Fonte HEART


  • Franz Stangl, SS-Obersturmführer, che dopo aver partecipato all'Aktion T4 è trasferito in Polonia agli ordini di Odilo Globočnik e dopo "un apprendistato" a Belzec passa al comando dei campi di sterminio di Sobibor (marzo - settembre 1942) e di Treblinka (settembre 1942 - agosto 1943)
  • Dichiarazioni su Belzec, Sobibor e Treblinka e lo sterminio in corso
Franz Stangl, SS-Obersturmführer in Polonia agli ordini di Odilo Globočnik. Dopo "un apprendistato" a Belzec passa al comando dei campi di sterminio di Sobibor (marzo - settembre 1942) e di Treblinka (settembre 1942 - agosto 1943) - Dichiarazione di Franz Stangl il 17 luglio 1967 nella prigione di Dinslaken


    • Cosa disse su Belzec : Wirth was not in his office, they said he was up at the camp. I asked what was the matter? The man I was talking to said that one of the pits had overflowed. They had put too many corpses in it and putrefaction had progressed to fast so that the liquid underneath had pushed the bodies on top up and over, and the corpses had rolled down the hill. I saw some of them – oh God it was awful.
    • Cosa disse su Sobibor: Wirth told me that I should definitely become the commander of Sobibor. I answered that I was not qualified for such a mission. I received from Globocnik the task to erect the camp. That it was not to be an ammunition camp but a camp for killing Jews I learned finally from Wirth. During the discussion with Wirth he told me if I would not do it, another would come. He would then put me back at the disposal of the Brigadefuhrer Globocnik. Actually I was not relieved of my post. I stayed in Sobibor, transports arrived and were liquidated.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka 1 : I drove there, with an SS driver. We could smell it kilometres away. The road ran alongside the railway. When we were about fifteen, twenty minutes drive from Treblinka, we began to see corpses by the line, first just two or three, then more, and as we drove into Treblinka station, there were what looked like hundreds of them – just lying there – they’d obviously been there for days, in the heat. In the station was a train full of Jews, some dead, some still alive….. that too, looked if it had been there for days.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka 2 : When I arrived in Treblinka for the first time, a large board was located in Reception Square. As I remember, on this board were noted ten clauses. These clauses stressed how the arriving Jews should behave. It is clear that in this written announcement the mission of this camp, in some way, was disguised. Maybe it related to a resettlement camp, but I know that it alluded to the fact that all have to go to the bath and in the meantime the clothes would be disinfected. In the framework of the re-organisation, Wirth ordered the signboard removed. In its place, the SS men would verbally announce to the deportees the directions which were until then written on the board. These short announcements were translated by working Jews.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka 3 : It must have been at the beginning of 1943 that is when the excavators were brought in. Using these excavators, the corpses were removed from the huge ditches which had been used until then for burial. The old corpses were burned on the roasters, along with the new bodies of new arrivals to the camp. During the transition to the new system, Wirth came to Treblinka. As I recall Wirth spoke of a Standartenfuhrer who had experience in burning corpses. Wirth told me that according to the Standartenfuhrer’s experience corpses could be burned on a roaster, and it would work marvellously. I know that in the beginning in Treblinka they used rails from the trolley to build the cremation grill. But it turned out that these were too weak and bent in the heat. They were replaced with real railroad rails.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka 4: When the cremation grates were there, fire was kindled in the corpse pits to cremate the corpses on top… such a fire in one grave resulted from the gas from the corpses. Big tall flames shot up and there was an enormous mushroom cloud.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka 5: Looking out my window I could see some Jews on the other side of the inner fence – they must have jumped down from the roof of the SS billets and they were shooting. In an emergency like that my first duty was to inform the chief of the external security police. By the time I had done that, our petrol station blew up. That too had been built just like a real service station, with flower beds round it. Next thing the whole ghetto camp was burning and then Matthes, the German in charge of the Totenlager, arrived at a run and said everything was burning up there too.

Cosa disse su Treblinka 6: They left me stewing for three weeks before Globocnik sent for me. It was my most difficult time. I was sure I would get all the blame. But as soon as I entered the office, Globocnik said “You are transferred immediately to Trieste for anti-partisan combat.” I thought my bones would melt. I had been so sure they were going to say I had done something wrong, and now, on the contrary, I had what I always wanted. I was going to get out and to Trieste too, near my home. I went back to Treblinka, but I only stayed three or four days, just enough to organise a transport.

  • Fonti: Dichiarazione di Franz Stangl il 17 luglio 1967 nella prigione di Dinslaken + HEART


  • Robert Juhrs, SS-Unterscharführer, da giugno 1942 al marzo 1943 inviato al campo di sterminio di Belzec, a marzo 1943 fu trasferito al campo di lavoro Dorohucza e da novembre 1943 al campo di sterminio Sobibor, diversi processi a suo carico da quello di Dachau ai processi di Sobibor e Belzec.
    • Sua testimonianza su Belzec
    • Cosa disse1: I had to carry out the shooting of Jews once. In that transport the cars were overloaded, some of the Jews were unable to walk. Maybe in that confusion, some of the Jews had been pushed down and had been crushed underfoot. Therefore, there were Jews that, by no means, could cover the way to the undressing barrack. Gottlieb Hering gave me an order to shoot these Jews. He told me verbally, “Juhrs take these Jews to Camp ll immediately and shoot them there.” These Jews were taken to the gate of Camp ll by a Jewish working group, and from there they were taken to the pits by other working Jews. As I remember there were seven Jews, men and women, who were taken inside the pit. It is hard to describe the condition these people were in, after their long journey in the unimaginably packed freight cars. I regarded the killing of these people in this way as a mercy and redemption, I shot these Jews with a machine gun, as they stood on the edge of the pit, I aimed directly at their heads so that everyone died instantly. I am absolutely sure that nobody felt any torment.
  • Fonte: HEART
  • Cosa disse 2 (su Dorohucza) : At the end of February or the beginning of March 1943, I together with Zierke, Schluch and probably with Tauscher or Schwartz, was transferred to Dorohucza. At the time of my transfer the operation in Belzec had not yet ended. In Dorohucza there was a work camp where the prisoners worked at cutting peat. Dorohucza lay about 6km from Trawniki. At the time we lived and ate in Trawniki. The work brigade in Dorohucza was about 150-200 strong. As well as the named Germans, there were also 6-8 guards sent daily from Trawniki. The camp lay near the Lublin – Chelm road. As I remember, the 150 – 200 work Jews were accommodated in 2-3 barracks. The camp was simply surrounded by barbed wire and at night probably guarded by 2 sentries ….. as already explained the food came at that time from Trawniki. Every day the Jews had to cut peat in the immediate vicinity of the camp. I know that I celebrated my birthday on 17 October 1943 in Dorohucza. Shortly after that we were surprised one morning to find our camp surrounded by a police unit. I distinctly remember that there was a thick fog that morning. Our sentries had detected figures in the fog and had given the alarm, as they reckoned there would be a partisan attack on the camp. Shortly afterwards, a police officer in uniform came into our camp, he was accompanied by another man, who could have been from the SD. I no longer know exactly. As I remember, the police officer had the rank of a lieutenant, as I think, he wore at least one star on his shoulder tab. In a rigorous way he ordered all the German personnel to step outside and lay down their arms. He also demanded the same of the other guards. We were forced to obey this order, after this had been done, all the Jews had to leave the barracks and fall in. I can remember still that our cook – a Jewess from Leipzig, whose name I have forgotten – asked me what it all meant. I told her that I did not know and was also surprised. I had the impression that the Jews, from past experiences, had a premonition of the impending operation. After the Jews were all formed up outside, their living quarters were searched. Then the Jews were moved off in the direction of Trawniki under guard by the police unit. I learned later that all the Jews in this work brigade had been shot in the area of the Kommandantura, in the so-called air-raid trenches. Unfortunately I cannot say who had ordered this operation, the name of the police officer is not known to me. A few days after this operation, a new movement order to Sobibor arrived for us from Lublin, and we were fetched in lorries. On my arrival in Sobibor the gassing operation there had already ended and the camp partly dismantled. I was employed there only at cleaning up the place. At the beginning of December 1943 I went to Berlin and on 10 December received home leave. Between Christmas and New Year 1943-1944 I received a telegram calling me back from leave and transfer to Italy via Berlin. I remained there till the end of the war.
  • Fonte: Bundesarchiv Ludwigsburg – 208-AR-Z 252/59 Josef Oberhauser; Dichiarazione di Robert Juhrs fatta alla

Special Commission of the Bavarian Regional CID a Francoforte sul Meno – 11 October 1961 su Dorohucza (qui)


  • Josef Oberhauser, SS-Obersturmführer, dall'Aktion T4 (Grafeneck, Brandeburgo e Bemburg) al campo di sterminio di Belzec (da novembre 1941 al 10 agosto 1942), quindi ispettore dei tre campi della Operazione Reinhard (Belzec, Sobibor e Treblinka). Processato a Monaco con sentenza del 21 gennaio 1965. Descrizione del personaggio da parte dei giudici + dichiarazione su Belzec e dichiarazione su Treblinka
    • Descrizione di Oberhauser nella sentenza emessa dai giudici di Monaco (Processo di Belzec) + dichiarazione di Oberhauser sul campo di Belzec.
    • Cosa si legge nella sentenza del 21 gennaio 1965 : The defendant, Oberhauser, – then an SS-Oberscharführer – was on the staff of the senior SS and Police Leader in Lublin from November to Christmas 1941. Subsequently, he was assigned to work for the camp commandant of Belzec (Christian Wirth), which saw him appointed as liaison officer to the staff of the senior SS and Police Leader and moreover, unlike other non-commissioned officers, given no fixed area of responsibility within the camp; on the contrary, he was free to do as he personally saw fit. Consequently Oberhauser was often seen in Wirth's company within the camp, but no recognizable activity would have resulted nor would any independent authority have been exercised.

Only occasionally was Oberhauser given a role at the implementation of mass killings, the illegality of which he had fully recognized. For example, on the orders of the camp commandant, Wirth, he met trainloads arriving at Belzec, each comprising at least 150 people, at the camp gates on at least five occasions in the period from mid-March to 1st August 1942. He led the supervision of the unloading of the trains and made sure that the train crew did not enter the camp area but were held outside the camp in readiness, to be able to reinforce the outer cordon in case there was an uprising or desperate breakout attempt by the doomed people. All the Jews who arrived on these trains were killed in the manner already described.
When, in spring 1942, a major expansion of Belzec Camp was carried out to increase its capacity for extermination, it was the task of the defendant, to procure the necessary building materials, in particular, for the construction of the larger gas chamber facility. He was allocated vehicles and the people necessary for the fulfillment of this task. In exercising his duties, he was aware of the fact that the work carried out with his assistance, was intended to create the conditions for a significant increase in the numbers of those exterminated. On 1 August 1942, as inspector of the three extermination camps of Belzec, Treblinka and Sobibor, Wirth moved to his new office in Lublin, and succeeded in getting Oberhauser, whom he assessed as a dutiful subordinate, also transferred there. There, the defendant was given the command of the Ukrainian guards employed by the staff of the senior SS and Police Leader, Globocnik, to guard important sites in Lublin. In addition, he was still available to Wirth, and had to act as an escort on his inspection visits to the extermination camps.

  • Fonte: Belzec Trial - Sentence: LG Munich I dated 21 January 1965, 110 Ks 3/64. IV. The duties of the defendant in Belzec and Lublin.
    • Cosa disse 1 su Belzec: After those first gassing operations, Wirth, Schwarz and all the German personnel disappeared from Belzec. As his final official act, Wirth had, before his departure gassed or shot the fifty working Jews, including their Kapos’s. When Wirth and his people departed, I was in Lublin. I had a big transport of material to bring. When I came again to Belzec, nobody was there. In the camp there were about twenty Ukrainian guards. They were under the command of SS-Scarfuhrer Feiks. Curiously enough, SS and Police Leader Globocnik had no knowledge of the departure of Wirth and his men. He sent me to Belzec to find out in which direction Wirth had gone. I found out that he had left for Berlin via Lvov and Cracow, without reporting to Globocnik.
  • Fonte: HEART
    • Cosa disse 1 su Treblinka: In Treblinka everything was in a state of collapse. The camp was overstocked. Outside the camp, a train with deportees was unable to be unloaded as there were simply no more room. Many corpses of Jews were lying inside the camp. These corpses were already bloated. Particularly I can remember seeing many corpses in the vicinity of the fence. These people were shot from the guard towers. I heard then in Treblinka how Globocnik and Wirth summed up the following: Dr Eberl would be dismissed immediately. In his place, Stangl would come to Treblinka from Sobibor as commander. Globocnik said in this conversation that if Dr Eberl were not his fellow countryman, he would arrest him and bring him before an SS and police court.
  • Fonte: HEART


  • Heinrich Gley, SS-Oberscharführer, dopo incarichi in diverse strutture dell'Aktion T4, è inviato prima al Campo di concentramento di Trawniki e quindi al Campo di sterminio di Belzec. Processato a Monaco (Processo di Belzec), rilascia due importanti dichiarazioni sullo sterminio a Belzec.
    • Testimonianza al Processo di Belzec
    • Cosa disse 1 : From the beginning of August 1942 until the camp was closed in September 1943 I was in Belzec. As I remember, the gassing stopped at the end of 1942, when the snow was already falling. Then the unearthing and cremation of the corpses began. It lasted from November 1942 until March 1943. The cremation was conducted day and night without interruption. At first the burning took place at one site, and later on at two. One cremating site had the capacity to burn 2,000 corpses in twenty-four hours. About four weeks after the beginning of the cremation operation, the second burning site was erected. On the average, during five months at the first about 300,000 corpses were cremated and in four months at the second burning site, about 240,000 corpses. Naturally, these are average estimations.
    • Cosa disse 2: I was assigned with a big Jewish work brigade to the cremation of the corpses by means of railway lines which served as a grate. About 80-90 Jews then worked under my supervision in three shifts. The rails were placed on top of big rocks and narrow gauge rails served as a cross-mesh. The cremation surface could take about 200 corpses. First a wood fire was kindled under the iron grate. During the course of the cremation operation the corpses later served as the only fuel. From time to time the badly twisted rails had to be replaced by new ones.
  • Fonte: HEART


  • Heinrich Unverhau, SS-Unterscharführer, dopo altri incarichi in diverse strutture dell'Aktion T4, a giugno 1942 è nel campo di sterminio di Belzec, nel giugno 1943 è trasferito nel campo di sterminio di Sobibor, nel dicembre 1943 ritorna a Belzec per mimetizzare il campo livellandolo dalle buche e per costruire una finta fattoria.
    • Dichiarazioni su Sobibor
    • Cosa disse 1: SS – Sturmbannfuhrer Hering accused me of being a saboteur because of the fact that during the sorting of the clothes that were sent for utilisation in Germany, a yellow Jewish star was found. Some money was also found there. These clothes belonged to Jews who were killed in Belzec.
    • Cosa disse 2: A few weeks before the uprising in Sobibor I and three other SS men and a larger group of Ukrainians auxiliaries were again ordered to go to Belzec. We were doing forestation work there. We had to prevent the Poles from turning the whole area upside down in their searches for gold.
  • Fonti: HEART


  • Werner Dubois, SS-Scharfuhrer, lavora nelle strutture dell'Aktion T4 di Bernburg, Hadamar, Brandeburgo e Grafeneck, ad aprile 1942 è trasferito nel campo di sterminio di Belzec, a giugno 1943 è nel campo di sterminio di Sobibor.
    • Importanti dichiarazioni sullo sterminio a Belzec e a Sobibor (descrivendone la rivolta)
    • Cosa disse su Belzec: The transports to Belzec and, consequently the gassing operations, stopped quite suddenly. As staff members of the Belzec camp, we were informed that the place would be rebuilt completely. A working group of Jews, whose size I don’t remember, was in charge of the demolition work. It is worth mentioning that at that time March – April 1943 the cremation of the corpses was terminated and the graves were levelled. The camp was emptied entirely and levelled accordingly. I heard that some planting was done there. The Jewish work commando, after accomplishing this work, was taken to Sobibor. I remained in Belzec for two more days, together with some of my colleagues and guards, to carry out the last clearing and loading.Some time later, when I was in Sobibor, I heard that during the transport of the Jewish work commando from Belzec to Sobibor some mutiny and shooting took place which led to some deaths.
    • Cosa disse su Sobibor: For about three weeks I was a leader of a Jewish group which worked outside the camp. I can remember the following event. During the time of my command, a Ukrainian guardsman was killed by two Jews when they want to bring water at a distance of 400-500 meters from the working place. These two Jews escaped. When I saw that the water-bearers did not return for a long time, I sent another guardsman to see what was going on. He returned and reported to me that he had found the guardsman dead – and no sign of the two Jews. After that I ordered all the Jews to lie on the ground to prevent further incidents. I sent a guardsman to the camp to inform camp commander Reichleitner what had happened. On the day of the uprising, in the afternoon I was in the armoury together with some Ukrainian guardsmen. The door was open I saw a group of Jewish prisoners with axes approaching the armoury. I thought that this was an ordinary working group. This group of five or six men passed by the armoury. They went round the armoury, crashed into the room, and hit me with axes. My skull was fractured, with an axe. Other axe blows wounded my hands. In spite of it, I succeeded in extricating myself and escaping outside the armoury. After running about 10 meters, I was shot in the lung and lost consciousness. Some Ukrainian guards treated me with vodka and I returned to consciousness. Then I learned that an uprising had broken out.
    • Fonte HEART


  • Kurt Bolender, SS-Oberscharführer e totenkopfverbände. Dall'Aktion T4 va a Sobibor.
    • Descrive particolari su come gli ebrei venivano condotti alle camere a gas a Sobibor. Dello zelo e del feroce modo di agire del comandante criminale parlano anche due SS, ovvero: Erich Fuchs ed Erich Bauer nelle dichiarazioni rese a Hagen al "Processo di Sobibor".
    • Cosa disse: Before the Jews undressed Oberscharfuhrer Hermann Michel deputy commander of the camp made a speech to them. On these occasions, he used to wear a white coat to give the impression that he was a physician. Michel announced to the Jews that they would be sent to work. But before this they would have to take baths and undergo disinfection so as to prevent the spread of diseases. After undressing, the Jews were taken through the so-called Schlauch. They were led to the gas chambers, not by the Germans, but by Ukrainians. After the Jews entered the gas chambers, the Ukrainians closed the doors. The motor which supplied the gas was switched on by a Ukrainian called Emil and by a German driver called Erich Bauer from Berlin. After the gassing, the doors were opened and the corpses were removed by a group of Jewish workers.
    • Fonte: HEART


  • Hans-Heinz Schütt, SS-Scharführer, dalla T4 al campo di sterminio di Sobibor, assolto al Processo di Sobibor
    • Una dichiarazione sulla reazione dei detenuti condotti alle camere a gas e la reazione violenta delle guardie ucraine di servizio volontario a Sobibor (molte guardie saranno in seguito processate da un tribunale sovietico a Kiev e condannate a morte come collaborazionisti dei nazisti)
    • Cosa disse: Getting the detainees into the gas-chambers did not always proceed smoothly. The detainees would shout and weep and they often refused to get inside. The guards helped them on by violence. These guards were Ukrainian volunteers who were under the authority of members of the SS commando. Members of the SS held key positions in the camp, i.e. one SS man oversaw the unloading, a further SS man was responsible for leading the detainees into the reception camp, a further SS man was responsible for leading the detainees to the undressing area, a further SS man oversaw the confiscation of valuables and a further member of the commando had to drive the detainees into the so-called tube which led to the extermination camp. Once they were inside the so-called tube, which led from the hut to the extermination camp there was no longer any escape.
    • Fonte: HEART


  • Erwin Herman Lambert, SS-Unterscharführer, dai centri dell'Aktion T4 passa ai campi di sterminio di Sobibor e Treblinka, supervisore della costruzione delle camere a gas nei campi nazisti.
    • Dichiarazioni su Sobibor e Treblinka
    • Cosa disse su Sobibor: As I mentioned at the beginning, I was in the extermination camp of Jews for about two to three weeks. It was sometime in autumn 1942, but I don’t remember exactly when. At that time I was assigned by Wirth to enlarge the gassing structure according to the model of Treblinka. I went to Sobibor together with Lorenz Hackenholt, who was at that time in Treblinka. First of all, I went with Hackenholt to a sawmill near Warsaw. There Hackenholt ordered a big consignment of wood for reconstruction in Sobibor. Finally, both of us went to Sobibor. We reported there to the camp commander, Reichleitner. He gave us the exact directives for the construction of the gassing installation. Probably the old installation was not big enough, and reconstruction was necessary. Today I cannot tell exactly who participated in the reconstruction work. However, I do remember that Jewish prisoners and so-called Askaries (Ukrainian auxiliaries) took part in the work. During this time that building was in progress, no transports with Jews arrived.
    • Cosa disse su Treblinka: I and Hengst – euthanasia man – went to Treblinka by car. SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Richard Thomalla was the camp commander. The Treblinka camp was still in the process of construction. I was attached to a building team there. Thomalla was there for a limited time only and conducted the construction work of the extermination camp. During this time no extermination actions were carried out. Thomalla was in Treblinka for about four to eight weeks. Then Dr Eberl arrived as camp commander. Under his direction the extermination Aktionen of the Jews began.
    • Fonte: HEART (vedi anche Camera a gas)


  • Hubert Gomerski, SS-Unterscharführer, dai centri dell'Aktion T4 passa al campo di sterminio di Sobibor.
    • Dichiarazione sulla visita di Himmler a Sobibor e sugli ebrei gasati quel giorno.
    • Cosa disse: I remember the visit of Reichsfuhrer Heinrich Himmler in Sobibor. All the SS men, members of the police, and the Ukrainian volunteers were lined up in a parade. I personally reported my platoon to Himmler for inspection. I know that on the day when Himmler was in Sobibor a certain number of Jews was gassed. I can tell for sure that Himmler visited Camp III – extermination area. I saw Himmler with the whole group going in the direction of Camp III.
    • Fonte: HEART


  • Karl Frenzel, SS-Oberscharführer - unità Totenkopfverbände, dall'Akion T4 a Sobibor dove "soggiorna" per un anno e mezzo.
    • Dichiarazione su Sobibor 1: Arrivo dei convogli a Sobibor e destinazione di bambini ed ebrei deboli
    • Cosa disse: After the disembarking of the train, the children and the feeble Jews were forcibly thrown onto the trolley. Terrible scenes happened then. The people were separated from their families, pushed with rifle butts, lashed with whips. They cried dreadfully, so I could not cope with this task. Reichleitner complied with my request, and he appointed Paul Bredow to escort the trolley.
    • Dichiarazione du Sobibor 2: ebrei frustati
    • Cosa disse: During my year and a half stay in Sobibor, I frequently saw that the working Jews were whipped. The Jews had to bow down and the Unterfuhrers (SS-men) ordered the Jewish kapos to whip them. Usually they received between ten and twenty-five lashes. The working Jews attended the punishments in order to maintain camp discipline and as a deterrent. In most cases the Jews who were whipped were dressed.
    • Fonte: HEART


  • Franz Wulf, SS-Oberscharführer, unità:Totenkopfverbände, dall'Aktion T4 passa al campo di sterminio di Sobibor
  • testimonianza sulla rivolta di Sobibor
  • Cosa disse: I went into the garden between Camp l and Camp ll On the way back with the Jewish women, I suddenly heard shots. I ran to the office which was in the forester’s house. I found Beckman and another member of the permanent staff there – both had been shot. I ran back to Camp ll to the sorting barrack to find my brother. Later when the shooting stopped, I ran to the guard in the Forward Camp. There were more dead and Werner Dubois, who was badly wounded.
  • Fonte:HEART


  • Willi Mentz, SS-Unterscharführer, unità Totenkopfverbände, da Akion T4 (Hadamar) al campo di stermino di Treblinka
  • Dettagliata e ampia testimonianza sulle camere a gas e sulle fosse comuni.
  • Cosa disse: When I came to Treblinka the camp commandant was a doctor named Eberl. He was very ambitious. It was said that he ordered more transports that could be “processed” in the camp. That meant that trains had to wait outside the camp because the occupants of the previous transport had not yet all been killed. At the time it was very hot and as a result of the long wait inside the transport trains in the intense heat many people died. At that time whole mountains of bodies lay on the platform. Then Hauptsturmfuhrer Christian Wirth came to Treblinka and kicked up a terrific row. And then one day Dr Eberl was no longer there. For about two months I worked in the upper section of the camp and then after Eberl had gone, everything in the camp was re-organised. The two parts of the camp were separated by barbed-wire fences. Pine branches were used so that you could not see through the fences. The same thing was done along the route from the “transfer” area to the gas chambers. The work-Jews who worked in the upper part of the camp also lived there from then on. Finally, new and larger gas-chambers were built. I think that there were now five or six large gas-chambers. I cannot say exactly how many people these large gas chambers held. If the small gas-chambers could hold 80-100 people, the large ones could probably hold twice that number. I was then transferred to the so-called Lazarett area. This so-called Lazarett (field –hospital) was in the lower camp in a special zone which was fenced off and protected against onlookers by pine branches. In this area there was a large mass grave. This grave was dug by an excavator and must have been about seven meters deep. Next to the mass grave there was a small wooden hut which was used by the two members of the Jewish Arbeitskommando who were on duty in the “Lazarett.” These Jews wore armbands marked with a red cross. That was Kuttner’s idea – he was responsible for the lower camp. Following the arrival of a transport, six to eight cars would be shunted into the camp, coming to a halt at the platform there. The commandant, his deputy Franz, Kuttner and Stadie or Matzig would be there waiting as the transport came in. Further SS members were also present to supervise the unloading, for example Genz and Belitz had to make absolutely sure that there was no one left in the car after the occupants had been ordered to get out. When the Jews had got off Stadie or Matzig would have a short word with them. They were told something to the effect that they were a resettlement transport, that they would be given a bath and that they would receive new clothes. They were also instructed to maintain quiet and discipline. They would continue their journey the following day. Then the transports were taken off to the so-called “transfer” area, the women had to undress in huts and the men out in the open. The women were then led through a passageway, known as the “tube,” to the gas chambers. On the way they had to pass a hut where they had to hand in their jewellery and valuables, the shed was manned by two work-Jews and a member of the SS. The SS member was Suchomel. After they had undressed the men had to put their and the women’s clothes in an orderly pile in a designated place. That only happened in the early days after the re-organisation. Later on there were special Arbeitskommandos which would immediately sort the clothes the transport participants had taken off. There were always some ill and frail persons on the transports, sometimes there were also wounded people amongst the arrivals because the transport escorts, SS members, police, Latvians, sometimes shot people during the journey. These ill, frail and wounded people were brought to the Lazarett by a special Arbeitskommando. These people would be taken to the hospital area and stood or laid down at the edge of the grave. When no more ill or wounded were expected it was my job to shoot these people. I did this by shooting them in the neck with a 9-mm pistol, they then collapsed or fell to one side and were carried down into the grave by the two hospital work-Jews. The bodies were sprinkled with chlorinated lime. Later, on Wirth’s instructions, they were burnt in the grave itself. The number of people I shot after the transport arrived varied. Sometimes it was two or three but sometimes it was as many as twenty or perhaps even more. There were men and women of all ages and there were also children. When I am asked today how many people I killed this way, I can no longer say precisely.


  • Heinrich Matthes, SS-Scharführer, unità Totenkopfverbände. Dall'Aktion T4 approda come vice comandante al campo di sterminio di Treblinka. Al Processo di Treblinka iniziato nel 1964 e tenutosi a Dusseldorf, viene condannato all'ergastolo.
  • Importanti dichiarazioni sullo sterminio in atto a Treblinka. Parla di camere a gas e di stime sulla loro capienza e di gliglie usate per la cremazione dei cadaveri ricavate dalle rotaie dei binari.
  • Cosa disse su Treblinka 1: During the entire time that I was in Treblinka, I served in the Upper Camp. The Upper Camp was that part of Treblinka with the gas chambers, where the Jews were killed and their corpses laid in large pits and later burned. About fourteen Germans carried out the services in the Upper Camp, there were two Ukrainian permanently in the Upper Camp. One of them was called Nikolai, the other was a short man, I don’t remember his name. These two Ukrainians who lived in the Upper Camp served in the gas chambers. They also took care of the engine room when Fritz Schmidt was absent. Usually this Schmidt was in charge of the engine room. In my opinion, as a civilian he was either a mechanic or driver. He came from Pirna. I carried out the roll calls of the working Jews in the Upper Camp. There were about 200-300 such working Jews. They took away the corpses and later burned them. There were also working Jews who had to break out the gold teeth from the corpses. When I asked whether a special working group examined the corpses for hidden jewellery and valuables, I answered: “About this I don’t know.” In the Upper Camp in the area of the gas chambers were stationed about six to eight Ukrainians. These Ukrainians were armed with rifles. Some of them also had leather whips. The people who were brought through the passage were forced to enter the separate single gas chamber. Later in summer 1942, the new gas chambers were built. I think that they became operational only in the autumn. All together, six gas chambers were active. According to my estimate, about 300 people could enter each gas chamber. The people went into the gas chambers without resistance. Those who were at the end, the Ukrainian guards had to push inside. I personally saw how the Ukrainians pushed the people with their rifle butts. The gas chambers were closed for about thirty minutes. Then Schmidt stopped the gassing, and the two Ukrainians who were in the engine room opened the gas chambers from the other side.
  • Cosa disse su Treblinka 2: At that time SS-Oberscharfuhrer or Hauptscharfuhrer Herbert Floss who, as I assume, was previously in another extermination camp, arrived. He was in charge of the arrangements for cremating the corpses. The cremation took place in such a way that railway lines and concrete blocks were placed together. The corpses were piled on these rails. Brushwood was put under the rails. The wood was doused with petrol. In that way not only the newly accumulated corpses were cremated, but also those taken out from the graves.
  • Fonti: HEART, vedi anche en wiki e relative dichiarazioni.


  • Gustav Münzberger, SS-Unterscharführer, unità Totenkopfverbände. Impiegato nell'Aktion T4 giunge a Treblinka e diventa assistente del vice comandante Matthes, sovrintende alla fase finale dello sterminio degli ebrei nelle camere a gas.
  • Dichiarazione dinnanzi ai giudici di Dusseldorf (Processo di Treblinka) sulla pratica nazista di togliere i denti d'oro ed altri oggetti di valore trovati sui cadaveri all'arrivo dei convogli al campo di sterminio.
  • Cosa disse: I know that Mathes who was in charge of Camp III, at the end of each day when a transport arrived, used to take the gold to the Lower Camp. This relates to gold teeth and valuables of gold that had been found on the corpses. This gold was brought in a small case.


  • DA FARE
  • Dicharazioni su fatti riguardanti l' Aktion T4 che provengono da Hadamar, Hartheim (Castello di Hartheim ), Grafeneck (vedi en Grafeneck Euthanasia Centre), Kaufbeuren, Irsee e Aktion 14f13
  • Gherard Hess, SS testimone al processo di Francoforte - non accusato di alcun crimine
  • Storch, SS testimone al processo di Francoforte - non accusato di alcun crimine
  • Wiebeck, SS testimone al processo di Francoforte - non accusato di alcun crimine
  • Rudolf Hoess
  • ...

(work in progress)

Dichiarazioni e relative fonti sullo sterminio riguardanti altri personaggi nazisti (non SS)[modifica wikitesto]

  • Hermann Göring, politico, generale e maresciallo del Reich fu accanto ad Hitler con una responsabilità spesso decisiva in tutte le fasi iniziali del nazismo fino alla presa del potere e alla costituzione del Terzo Reich.
    • Testimonianza al processo principale di Norimberga
    • Cosa disse:
    • Fonte:
  • Hans Frank, Governatore della Polonia e criminale nazista
    • Processo principale di Norimberga
    • Cosa disse: Sostenne che lo sterminio degli ebrei era stato controllato da Heinrich Himmler e dagli squadroni delle SS, e di essere stato all'oscuro dell'esistenza dei campi di sterminio fino all'inizio del 1944.
    • Fonte:
  • Erhard Wetzel, avvocato e ufficiale nel Ministero del Reich per i Territori Orientali
    • Cosa disse:
    • Fonte:


(work in progress)

Hitler era a conoscenza dello sterminio in corso, dichiarazioni che fu eseguito su suoi ordini[modifica wikitesto]

  • Himmler, Eichmann, Hoss e altri hanno dichiarato che gli ordini del genocidio provenivano direttamente da Hitler (fonte Nizkor, risposta alla domanda 26 di "66 Question & Answers about the Holocaust")
  • Nel dicembre 1942, Hitler riceve da Himmler uno dei tanti rapporti sull'attività degli Einsatzgruppen, rapporto che afferma che 363.211 ebrei erano stati eliminati fra agosto e novembre 1942. Prove: una fotografia e il testo del rapporto.
  • Registro telefonico da Hitler a Himmler, ordina «nessuna liquidazione» per un determinato treno con ebrei perché si voleva interrogare un passeggero sospetto. Come avrebbe potuto Hitler ordinare di "non liquidare" i passeggeri di "un determinato treno" senza nulla sapere dello sterminio? Irving (libera sua interpretazione) asserisce che con quell'ordine Hitler cercava di porre fine al programma di sterminio [senza accorgersi che implicitamente sta asserendo che Hitler ben sapeva dello sterminio in corso, e siccome lo sterminio poi continuò, Irving fa fare a Hitler anche la figura dell'imbecille, ovvero che del suo (improbabile) ordine sul "fermo sterminio", Himmler se ne fece una "pippa") - Prova: Registro telefonico di Hitler.
  • Dichiarazione nell'ultimo discorso di Eichmann alla corte del tribunale di Gerusalemme dopo la sentenza della sua condanna a morte:

«Questi omicidi di massa sono il risultato della politica del führer». - Riportato anche dal revisionista Paul Rassinier in The Real Eichmann, 1979, p.152

  • Il 28 novembre 1941, Hitler incontrò il Muftī Haj Amin Husseini con il Dr. Paul-Otto Schmidt come interprete.
Amin al Husseini da Adolf Hitler a Berlino - 28 novembre 1941

.

Hitler e Daladier, al centro l'interprete Paul-Otto Schimdt

In questo incontro Hitler promise al Muftī Amin al-Husseini che dopo che si sarebbe raggiunto un certo obiettivo, «l'unico obiettivo ancora da raggiungere nella regione sarebbe stato quello dell'annientamento degli ebrei che vivevano sotto la protezione britannica nelle terre arabe» - Fonte: Note dell'incontro sono state riprese dal suo interprete Paul-Otto Schimdt nel libro Hitler and the Final Solution di Fleming, 1984, pp.101-104

Hitler rispose che i suoi obiettivi erano chiari: condurre una lotta senza compromessi contro gli Ebrei, e quindi anche quelli in Palestina. Affermò che lo sterminio del popolo ebraico era parte della sua battaglia e che gli era chiaro che occorresse impedire la formazione di uno Stato ebraico in Palestina che potesse essere utilizzato dagli Ebrei come base per distruggere tutte le nazioni del mondo. Aggiunse che era determinato a risolvere il problema ebraico al fine di riportare ordine nel mondo, comprese le nazioni fuori dall'Europa.- Fonte: questa

Documenti nazisti scoperti nel Ministero degli Esteri tedesco e nel Servizio degli Archivi Militari di Friburgo, rinvenuti dai due studiosi tedeschi Klaus Michael Mallmann dell'Università di Stuttgart e Martin Cüppers dell'Università di Ludwigsburg, indicano che, nell'eventualità in cui il Feldmaresciallo Erwin Rommel fosse riuscito a sconfiggere la Gran Bretagna in Medio Oriente, i Nazisti avevano in progetto l'invio di un'unità speciale, chiamata Einsatzkommando Ägypten, per portare a compimento lo sterminio degli Ebrei di Palestina.[F1] In tale evenienza, il Muftī di Gerusalemme Ḥājjī Amīn al-Ḥusaynī avrebbe dovuto essere il loro maggiore collaboratore in Palestina, rappresentando uno dei primi sostegni incontrati dai Nazisti sul versante arabo antisemita, incontrando anche in varie occasioni Adolf Eichmann, il più noto organizzatore dell'Olocausto.[F2]
F1 : questa
F2 : Klaus-Michael Mallmann e Martin Cueppers, Germans, Jews, Genocide — The Holocaust as History and Present, Stoccarda, Stuttgart University.

  • Conversazione fra Himmler e il suo fisioterapista dott. Felix Kersten riportata nelle memorie del medico (The Kersten Memoirs, 1956, p. 162-3 di Felix Kersten) e in cui Himmler identica Hitler come principale responsabile dello sterminio degli ebrei

Today I had a very long talk about the Jews with Himmler. I said that the world would no longer tolerate the extermination of the Jews; it was high time that he put a stop to it. Himmler said that it was beyond his power; he was not the Führer and Adolf Hitler had expressly ordered it. I asked him whether he was aware that history would one day point to him as one of the greatest murderers on record, because of the way hin which he had exterminated the Jews. He should think of his reputation, not sully it with that reproach. Himmler replied that he had done nothing wrong and only carried out Adolf Hitler's orders.

... I told Himmler that he still had a chance to stand well with history by showing humanity to the Jews and other victims of the concentration camp -- if he really disagreed with Hitler's orders to exterminate them. He could simply forget certain of the Führer's orders and not carry them out.

"Perhaps you're right, Herr Kersten," Himmler responded, but he also added that the Führer would never forgive him and would immediately have him hanged.

Fonte: risposta alla domanda 26

(work in progress)

Testimonianze rese dai collaboratori dei nazisti (non tedeschi)[modifica wikitesto]

  • Nikolai Malagon, deposizione resa il 18 marzo 1978 di Zaporozh'ye. Ucraino di Kiev che partecipò in seguito all'invasione tedesca alla difesa della città e fu fatto prigioniero dai nazisti. Nel campo di Trawniki dove è prigioniero viene arruolato dai tedeschi come "guardia ucraina" e quindi trasferito a Treblinka. L'ampia testimonianza riguarda: esecuzioni con il gas e uccisioni con armi da fuoco e fosse comuni e cataste di cadaveri bruciati.
  • Fonte Nizkor Project

Diari[modifica wikitesto]

  • Joseph Goebbels (diario di), una raccolta di scritti del capo del Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda (Ministero del Reich per l'istruzione pubblica e la propaganda) nonché leader del Partito Nazionalsocialista Tedesco dei Lavoratori.
    • Il suo diario nelle due date che seguono
    • afferma: 14 febbraio 1942 - «Il fuhrer espresse ancora una volta la sua determinazione a ripulire gli ebrei in Europa senza pietà. non ci deve essere alcun sentimentalismo schizzinoso su di esso. Gli ebrei hanno meritato la catastrofe che li ha ormai superati. La loro distruzione andrà di pari passo con la distruzione dei nostri nemici. Dobbiamo accelerare questo processo con fredda spietatezza»
    • afferma: 27 marzo 1942 - «La procedura è piuttosto barbara e non deve essere descritta qui. Non resterà molto degli ebrei.Nel complesso si può dire che circa il 60 per cento di essi dovrà essere liquidato, mentre solo il 40 per cento può essere utilizzato per il lavoro forzato»
    • Fonte:The Gobbels Diares, 1948, pp. 86,147-148 - Anche "il revizionista" David Cole ha ammesso che "i revisionisti" devono ancora fornire una spiegazione soddisfacente di questo documento.
  • In data 16 ottobre 1939, Goebbels scrive, compiaciuto, l'enorme interesse dimostrato da Hitler per il film Der ewige Jude che doveva essere, nelle sue intenzioni, «un film di propaganda di prima categoria». Il giorno dopo Goebbels ritorna a scrivere sul suo diario su quel film le cui riprese si stavano realizzando nel Ghetto di Łódź in Polonia, e scriveː «Riprese test [...]. Immagini dal film sul ghetto, mai esistite prima. Descrizioni così terribili e brutali nei loro dettagli che ci si sente gelare il sangue. Ci si ritrae orripilati da tanta brutalità. Questi ebrei devono essere sterminati».
  • Dopo il 24 ottobre e il 28 ottobre il ministro della Propaganda ritorna a scrivere sul suo diario il 2 novembre 1939, ovvero dopo che ha raggiunto a Łódź il luogo delle riprese, i commenti che mette per iscritto sono i seguentiː «Attraversiamo il ghetto. Usciamo e osserviamo tutto nel dettaglio. Una cosa indescrivibile. Questi non sono più esseri umani, sono animali. Quindi non è un compito umanitario ma chirurgico. Bisogna recidere, qui, in maniera radicale. Altrimenti l'Europa morirà a causa della malattia ebraica». Il 19 novembre parla a Hitler del film e annota sul diario che «Lui fornisce alcuni suggerimenti».

Anche un negazionista come David Cole ha ammesso che : i revisionisti devono ancora fornire una spiegazione soddisfacente su questo documento.

  • Hans Frank (diario di), scritti dal Generalgouverneur für die besetzten polnischen Gebiete (Governatorato Generale) e obergruppenführer delle SS
    • Quarantadue volumi il totale del suo diario personale, 12.000 pagine
    • Cosa affermò: Bisognava «"annientare gli ebrei"» e «"prendere misure tali da portare al loro sterminio"». Poi c’erano gli ordini del Reichsfuhrer-SS Himmler per la cosiddetta "soluzione finale" (Endlosung in tedesco), ovvero lo sterminio della razza ebraica ed anche delle altre razze considerate "inferiori". Testimonierà su questo anche un'altro militare SS
    • Fonte: Il corposo diario fu consegnato dallo stesso Frank agli americani. Oggi tale documentazione è presso l'USHMM di Washington (Document | Accession Number: 1999.A.0194 | RG Number: RG-67.038M


  • Johann Paul Kremer (diario di), obersturmführer delle SS nel campo di concentramento di Auschwitz
    • Dichiarazioni nel suo diario alle date 2 e 5 settembre 1942
    • Cosa scrisse:
    • Fonti:
  • ...

(work in progress)

Album fotografici[modifica wikitesto]

  • Kurt Franz, ultimo comandante di Treblinka
  • Immagine e commento usati come "prova" al processo di Treblinka:

Camere a gas[modifica wikitesto]

(N.B.: Fonti che non riguardano le testimonianze dei sopravvissuti e tantomeno appartenenti ai sonderkommando)

  • ...
  • ...
  • ...

(work in progress)


Documentazione fotografica[modifica wikitesto]

  • Francisco Boix, fotografo nel campo di concentramento di Mauthausen per conto delle SS
    • Documentò diversi crimini, rubò foto e negativi nascondendoli accuratamente fino alla liberazione del campo, fu testimone a Norimberga.
    • Cosa affermò e cosa documentano le foto:

«Qualcuno aveva contato ben 35 modi di morire a Mauthausen. Io avevo finito per conoscerli tutti alla perfezione»

(Francisco Boix)
    • Fonte:Salva Rubio, Pedro J. Colombo, Aintazane Landa, Il fotografo di Mauthausen, pag.36, 2018, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Milano, ISBN 978-88-6926-488-7


  • Wilhelm Brasse, fotografo polacco, per 5 anni "fotografo di Auschwitz".
    • Riprese tra i 40.000 e i 50.000 "ritratti" dal 1940 al 1945. Incontrò Josef Mengele, il medico criminale nazista conosciuto anche come il "dottor morte", che gli ordinò di fotografare le sue vittime nel corso degli esperimenti, nonché coloro che presentavano caratteristiche particolari come i gemelli, persone con disordini congeniti.... che divennero le cavie del suo laboratorio.
    • Commenti su quanto fotografò:«In effetti creò una precisa documentazione degli internati a cui si aggiunge quella dedicata delle vittime degli esperimenti pseudo-medici perpetrati in particolare da Josef Mengele (chiamato il “dottor morte”) che usò i prigionieri come cavie umane. Per Brasse, che sapeva bene che tutti i prigionieri da lui fotografati erano condannati a morte, ogni scatto divenne un terribile supplizio: ebrei picchiati, prigionieri russi devastati da malattie e maltrattamenti, zingari, ragazzini e bambini tutti magrissimi, con evidenti segni di violenze subite e terrorizzati. Con il suo lavoro, Brasse, preparò una minuziosa documentazione che oggi ci descrive quello che accadde al campo di sterminio e che fu un prezioso aiuto per i processi ai criminali di guerra nazisti. Nel Gennaio del 1945, con l’avanzata dell’Armata Rossa, i vertici del campo di concentramento gli chiesero di bruciare tutta la documentazione, fotografie e negativi ma difronte a tale compito ci fu una vera disubbidienza da parte di Brasse e dei suoi aiutanti per cui riuscirono a conservare la maggior parte di foto e negativi sottraendoli alle fiamme. Oggi, gran parte di questa documentazione è custodita al Museo di Auschwitz-Birkenau e, con questa documentazione è stato realizzato il documentario “The Portraitist” (Il Ritrattista) – titolo originale “Portrecisty”. Il documentario contiene un’intervista a Brasse che, con commozione, ricorda il suo compito ad Auschwitz presentando contestualmente tante fotografie da lui realizzate e per ogni fotografia descrive il triste destino dei soggetti fotografati (sottotitoli anche in lingua italiana); è’ una testimonianza che lascia un ricordo indelebile che porteremo con noi per tutta la vita.»
    • Fonte: questa
    • Fonte: Il fotografo di Auschwitz - Per ricordare Wilhelm Brasse, trailer su You tube

Le fotografie della quattordicenne Czesława Kwoka vittima di una kapo criminale che la prese a bastonate e i commenti di Brasse e di Fergal Kean (BBC):

Visitando la mostra commemorativa del museo statale di Auschwitz-Birkenau nel Blocco n.6, Keane ha descritto le emozioni provate nel vedere le fotografie della Kwoka.

«Per giorni dopo aver visto le fotografie, non potevo scrollarmi di dosso l'espressione della ragazza. Ha circa 14 anni e guarda direttamente la fotocamera. La ragazza è arrivata solo di recente al campo. Sul suo labbro inferiore c'è un taglio. I suoi occhi fissano direttamente l'obiettivo e la paura si tramanda da sola attraverso i decenni. Ma fino a quando Wilhelm Brasse non mi ha raccontato la sua straordinaria storia, non avevo idea di come la fotografia fosse stata scattata. La sua voce trema mentre racconta ciò che accadde:
Era così giovane e così terrorizzata. La ragazza non capiva perché fosse lì e non capiva cosa le stessero dicendo. Allora una donna Kapo (una detenuta sorvegliante) prese un bastone e la colpì in faccia. Quella donna tedesca stava solo sfogando la sua rabbia contro la ragazza. Una ragazza così bella, così innocente. Lei pianse, ma non poté fare nulla. Prima che la fotografia fosse scattata, la ragazza si asciugò le lacrime e il sangue dal taglio sul labbro. A dire la verità, mi sentivo come se fossi stato colpito io stesso, ma non potevo intromettermi. Sarebbe stato fatale per me. Non potevi dire assolutamente nulla».

Da sapere[modifica wikitesto]

  • Pagata ad un ebreo la somma messa a disposizione dall'Institute for Historical Review per "la prova"
  • Un negazionista: David Irving ritratta ed ammette lo sterminio (giudizi sul cambiamento di opinione)
  • Significato degli eufemismi :"trattamento speciale" e "soluzione finale" (cosa erano?), come lo spiega un nazista
  • Nessun inquisito al Processo principale di Norimberga mise in dubbio l'Olocausto
  • Nessun testimone nazista ha mai detto o scritto fino ad oggi che la sua testimonianza nei processi è stata estorta
  • I primi "negazionisti" furono proprio i nazisti mentre mettevano in atto l'Olocausto, vedi Aktion 1005
  • Quanti erano in Germania gli ebrei nel 1933 e nel 1940? E che "reale pericolo" costituivano per i tedeschi?
  • Giugno 1941: massacro degli ebrei sovietici; tra fa fine di settembre e la metà di dicembre Hitler evoca "lo sterminio" per "sette volte". 31 luglio, Goering incarica Heydrich di ottenere una "soluzione finale" della questione ebraica. A metà ottobre Himmler decide la costruzione di impianti a Chelmno e "centro speciale" a Belzec, intanto agli ebrei europei viene proibita l'emigrazione quando fino a quel momento incoraggiata e agevolata; 29 novembre convocata Wannsee.
  • Funzionalismo secondo Raul Hilberg, sintesi: prima fase - Voi ebrei non potete vivere come noi (Leggi di Norimberga e limitazioni dei più elementari diritti, lavoro, scuola, e vita sociale); seconda fase - Voi ebrei non potete vivere con noi (ghetti e campi che separavano gli ebrei dagli altri); terza fase - Voi ebrei non potete vivere... (eliminazione fisica nei campi di sterminio e uccisioni di massa delle Einsatzgruppen)
  • I sei milioni di ebrei vittime della Shoah, numero messo in discussione dai negazionisti, non si riferisce "esclusivamente" agli uccisi nelle camere a gas (i negazionisti molte volte non sono "onesti" nel presentare domande e loro conclusioni sull'argomento). Tutti gli storici dell'Olocausto concordano che solo "una quota" di quei sei milioni furono eliminati con il gas. In quanto consisteva quella quota? Fonti? E la rimanente quota a cosa è da imputare? Fonti?
  • Un documento del Ministero dell'Interno del Württemberg riguardante la clinica di Grafeneck (in effetti una clinica di Aktion T4), in basso aveva l'avvertenza: "Non lasciar cadere nelle mani del nemico! Distruggere in caso di pericolo nemico!". Perché un documento che riguardava una comunissimo istituto clinico tedesco era ritenuto dai nazisti tanto riservato da non lasciare che il nemico se ne appropriasse? qui

Asserzioni degli storici sul Diario di Anna Frank[modifica wikitesto]

  • Chi lo scrisse: (work in progress)
  • Cosa dicono i negazionisti: (work in progress)
  • Cosa asseriscono gli storici: (work in progress)

Sul "Rapporto Leuchter"[modifica wikitesto]

  • Dettagli sul rapporto compilato da Fred A. Leuchter sulle camere a gas di Auschwitz e test ripetuti da Jan Markiewicz direttore dell'istituto forense di Cracovia che smentiscono tale rapporto
  • Rapporto Leuchter:
  • Risposta Markiewicz
  • considerazioni:

(work in progress)

Sul Rapporto Lüftl (1992)[modifica wikitesto]

Dati sul Zyklon B e sul suo uso nelle camere a gas[modifica wikitesto]

  • Dettagli sul gas (del perché usato dai nazisti), uso in un "probabile" obitorio? perché antiscientifico? (dato che smentisce fantasiose tesi negazioniste)

(work in progress)

Dati sul numero degli ebrei vittime dell'Olocausto messo in dubbio dai negazionisti[modifica wikitesto]

(work in progress)

Da leggere prima dell'editathon[modifica wikitesto]

Le fonti di : Yad Vashem, dell' United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, della Fondazione centro di documentazione ebraica contemporanea - (Osservatorio Antisemitismo), del Jewish Virtual Library (su Nizkor project) e del Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team (HEART)[modifica wikitesto]

Fonti negazioniste: siti e personaggi[modifica wikitesto]

Bibliografia nazionale e internazionale sul negazionismo e una selezione di testi negazionisti di Claudio Vercelli (dono dello storico al nostro Progetto)[modifica wikitesto]

Voci Wikipedia[modifica wikitesto]

(work in progress)

Da vedere prima dell'editathon[modifica wikitesto]

Programma[modifica wikitesto]

  • Editathon
  • Conferenza (Conferenza con gli storici, Marcello Pezzetti della Fondazione della Shoah di Roma e Stefano Gatti dell'Osservatorio Antisemitismo del CDEC di Milano e del wikipediano Luigi Vianelli,)
  • Concorso (sui generis)

Partecipanti[modifica wikitesto]

  1. Ettorre (gregorio bisso) (msg) 18:03, 22 ago 2020 (CEST)
  2. Giovanni.jarre

Commenti, domande, richieste e suggerimenti[modifica wikitesto]

1. Lascio solo un saluto. Mi è difficile immaginare spostamenti nel breve periodo, e forse anche nel medio, ma seguo con costante interesse queste tematiche, da quasi sempre. Da esterno e a modo mio tento di contribuire per quanto posso, ad iniziare dalla voce del MEIS di Ferrara e dalla voce su Renzo Ravenna, amico di Balbo, ebreo, fascista e podestà di Ferrara, prima di essere a sua volta vittima di persecuzione. Saluto qui Fcarbonara, che prima o poi incontrerò di persona, e comunico le mie voci recenti attimenti al tema Shoah: Mel Mermelstein, Stephan Ross, New England Holocaust Memorial, Holocaust Memorial Center, Mémorial de la Shoah. Tutti sono invitati a inserire tutte le modifiche ritenute opportune. Ho lavoraro ad altre voci sull'ebraismo ferrarese, o che lo richiamano, ma non le ricordo tutte...Buon lavoro :-).-- Lungo il Leno 17:00, 10 set 2020 (CEST)

Carissimo [@ Lungoleno], grazie per quanto hai scritto, useremo anche le tue "fonti". Volevo ricordarti che l'editathon sarà online e la tua qualificata partecipazione (senza che ti sposti) sarebbe graditissima, facci un pensiero! :) Un caro saluto!--Fcarbonara (msg) 21:00, 10 set 2020 (CEST)
Non ho messo fonti. Le mie sono di tutti, accessibili in rete con semplici ricerche. Farò il possibile per collaborare... grazie.-- Lungo il Leno 09:16, 11 set 2020 (CEST)

2. Avevo contribuito corposamente alla voce Mito della Wehrmacht pulita, a parte il capitolo "parallelo con l'Italia", pensate si possa sviluppare un paragrafo incentrato sulla collaborazione dell'esercito tedesco nella Shoah?--Riöttoso 15:49, 5 ott 2020 (CEST)

Caro [@ Riottoso] se noti in questa pagina, la voce a cui hai contribuito massicciamente a modificare è consigliata per la lettura prima dell'editathon, il perché non lo spiego senz'altro a te che conosci benissimo i motivi: quando gli storici della Shoah parlano di sei milioni di ebrei eliminati nell'Olocausto oltre agli uccisi dalle camere a gas includono l'altro filone fondamentale che fu quello del massacro ad opera delle unità Einsatzgruppen a cui appartenevano anche quelli della Wehrmacht (uno dei validi motivi per cui il mito va a farsi benedire!). Io penso che la voce sia già chiarissima, ma se vuoi ampliarla fai tu sono certo che non hai bisogno di nessun consiglio, anzi no! una solo :) : Speriamo di vederti presto fra gli iscritti ai partecipanti dell'editathon, ti assicuro che è veramente "necessario" :) :)--Fcarbonara (msg) 01:53, 8 ott 2020 (CEST)
Ahh ok, pensavo fosse tra quelle da ampliare! Un paio di voci da sistemare le ho già adocchiate, spero di riuscire a metterci mano ;) [@ Fcarbonara]--Riöttoso 11:21, 8 ott 2020 (CEST)

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Memorie[modifica wikitesto]